ECONAfrica: African Corporate Debt — Reality, Regulation and Risks

By Peter O’Brien

In our new AAT series, ECONAfrica, Pr1merio economist Peter O’Brien discusses corporate debt issues on the continent.

Debt debates on Africa nearly always talk about sovereign debt. But in economies which are growing, even if with plenty of ups and downs, firms need to finance expansion. Banks can help, yet this is often not so easy to organize. Another option is to issue corporate bonds (‘CB’). Since rating agencies generally assess clients on a three letter basis (sometimes with a + or – at the end), we will make our 3R assessment of African CB. What’s the reality, what’s the regulatory situation, and what are the risks and rewards?

Overview

First, a thumbnail sketch (admittedly based on limited evidence) of the stylized facts:

  • So far, all African countries (including the Middle East) account for less than 5% of the value of all CB issued by Emerging Market Economies (EME).
  • Within that, South Africa, Mauritius and Egypt add up to around two thirds, with South Africa alone as one third.
  • Most CB in Africa have maturities no more than 10 years
  • Over half of the bonds are fixed interest
  • Roughly 30% of the CB are considered high yield (another way of saying that investors reckon the risks are substantial)
  • It seems as if there is more or less an even split between CB issued in local currency (hence with local currency coupon rates) and those in foreign currency (nearly all $ or euro)
  • The investors are in the main a group of 50-60 funds
  • In South Africa, as of October 2015, foreign holdings of local CB were 35% of the total
  • In a number of African countries, the leading corporate borrowers are parastatal firms
  • Corporate debt, measured as a percentage of GDP, is far lower in African countries than in most others. While many other places, especially some of the big EME, are vulnerable to macroeconomic damage stemming from corporate debt, Africa (including South Africa, where this percentage has remained remarkably stable) should be fairly safe
Economist corporate debt in South Africa has remained the same as percentage of GDP
Corporate debt in South Africa has remained the same as percentage of GDP (Source: The Economist)

Lessons Learned?

What does this picture tell us? Its principal message is surely that this is an area certain to experience major changes, and quite possibly major expansion (not only in volume but also in the players involved).

Now to regulation, both internal and external. The country that seems to have explicitly made provision for corporate debt, and its restructuring, is South Africa. In Companies Act 71 of 2008, enacted in 2011, there are clauses that set out possibilities for Corporate Debt restructuring.  Since enactment, over 400 companies have applied for these methods of handling the problems, and there are upwards of 80 entities offering specialized advice in the field. This prudent approach no doubt stems in part from the size and significance of corporate borrowing in that country. Elsewhere, legal and regulatory issues seem, on balance, to hold back greater reliance on CB. In part there are accounting and corporate governance standards which local companies may not yet meet. In part, it appears that the disclosure requirements that must be met before recourse to CB can be made may constrain the actions of companies (bank borrowing generally requires less disclosure). On the external side, the Basel 111 stipulations matter, in particular because they limit the possibilities for underpricing of CB (a practice that has been fairly frequent till now).

What is missing in the regulatory environment, however, is any overall examination of what might be done to stimulate the prudent use of CB. If this were to be done, such regulation would need to assess financial, economic and anti-trust issues.

The risks and rewards of the CB approach to corporate funding, and indeed the opportunities to use it, are very different across Africa. From economies such as Kenya and Botswana, where the phenomenon is on the rise, to those of the Maghreb, where political uncertainties in very recent years seem to have stunted what was a promising growth, to many parts of West Africa, where to date there is seemingly little activity in this area, each country has its own environment. However, the ever greater integration in the various regions means that there may well be prospects for making better use of private regional funds and of sovereign funds. Either way, African companies should look forward with optimism to utilizing more local capital. It is the job of regulators to ensure this is done in a sound way financially, and that these markets operate competitively.

 

The Big Picture: Public-Interest Factors in Antitrust

AAT the big picture

Public-Interest Considerations in Competition Policy Take Center Stage… Once Again

By Michael Currie

An increasing trend in South Africa’s competition regulatory environment is the emphasis that the competition authorities and policy makers are placing on what is known as public-interest provisions. While we have authored a number of articles that have been published on African Antitrust highlighting our concern and disapproval of an overly-zealous reliance on public interest provisions, especially in the framework of merger control, the Competition Authorities have become increasingly bold in shaping there policies around public interest and industrial policy agendas.

In this article, we discuss the Vodacom/Neotel merger as well as COSATU’s response to the announcement that market inquiry will be conducted in the grocery retail sector, as these two developments personify the influence that Minister Patel has over the SACC’s policy and the very clear industrial policy agenda’s that Patel is using the SACC to promote.

In the past number of years in South Africa, public interest considerations have been no more prevalent than in merger control. While, to date, there has not been a merger prohibited based purely on public interest grounds, there have been a number of mergers which, despite no finding having been made that such a merger will lessen competition, have been approved subject to significantly onerous conditions, based on public-interest grounds.

south_africaThe Law

The South African Competition Act, 89 of 1998 (“Competition Act”) requires that the competition authorities consider the impact of a merger on certain public interest grounds, which are expressly listed in Section 12A of the Competition Act.

We have, on African Antitrust,[1] consistently stressed the inappropriateness of imposing burdensome conditions on mergers relating to public interest considerations, and raised the legitimate concerns that the South African Competition Authorities are increasingly being utilised as a mechanism by which to promote the government’s industrial policies.

Furthermore, conditions have been imposed on mergers without any substantial assessment done on balancing potential short term losses with long term gains.

Be that as it may, the conditions that have most commonly been imposed on mergers, based on public interest grounds, relates to employment. The impact of a merger on employment is one of the express public interest considerations that is contained in Section 12A.

What is deeply concerning, however, that as we will discuss below, the SACC has recently broadened the scope of public interest considerations to extend well past those grounds listed in Section 12A, effectively ensuring that when it comes to evaluating a merger on public interest grounds, the SACC is effectively, unrestricted.

Vodacom

Vodacom is South Africa’s largest mobile service provider and merging with Neotel would allow Vodacom to fast-track its rollout of a fixed line network.  The merger still needs to be approved by the South African Competition Tribunal (“SACT”).

On 30 June 2015, the SACC made recommendations to the SACT to approve the merger between Vodacom and Neotel, subject to stringent conditions.

The conditions recommended to be imposed on this merger will certainly ring alarm bells for all entities (especially large businesses which have a BEE shareholding) who are considering undertaking a merger in South Africa.

The SACC, who is of the view that the merger will substantially lessen competition in the market, has recommended that the following conditions to be imposed on the merger:

  • There be no retrenchments of Neotel employees;
  • That Vodacom invest R10 billion (approximately $1 billion) into data, connectivity and fixed line infrastructure; and
  • That Vodacom’s Black Economic Empowerment (“BEE”) shareholding is increased by R1.9 billion (the value of Neotel) multiplied by 19%.

The SACC’s recommendation that Vodacom’s BEE shareholding has to increase to a certain value is considerably worrisome, as it is very difficult, in our view, to justify the imposition of such a condition, in terms of the law or in terms of any social policy objective.

As noted above, the competition authorities are obliged, in terms of the Competition Act, to consider the impact that a merger may have on a number of public interest grounds. In terms of the Competition Act, the SACC and SACT, when evaluating a merger, must consider the impact that the merger will have on:

  • “A particular industry sector or region;
  • Employment;
  • The ability of small businesses, or firms controlled or owned by historically disadvantaged persons, to become competitive; and
  • The ability of national industries to compete in international markets.”[2]

Simply put, there is in our view, no justifiable legal basis, upon which to impose a condition relating to the BEE shareholding as proposed by the SACC in this merger.

A Disconcerting Trend Away from Law & Economics

Regardless of whether the merging parties accept the SACC’s recommended conditions, the competition authorities are increasingly using conditions imposed in previous mergers, as precedent to justify and become increasingly ambitious when considering conditions to be imposed on any prospective transaction. Thus, even if the conditions imposed in this particular merger are not overly-burdensome on the parties themselves, it is most likely that the conditions, should they be approved by the SACT, will set new precedent for any future transactions.

The competition authorities are inadvertently creating a ‘threshold’ of conditions. This is evident by the way in which the Commission seems to default to a recommendation of a two-to-three year moratorium on retrenchments, whenever there is a concern arising or pressure placed on the SACC relating to retrenchments.

It is well noted that timing is of critical importance when it comes to the success of a implementing a merger. The fact that the SACC has quite brazenly taken upon itself, the duty to foster and advance the government’s socio-economic and industrial policies no doubt leads to greater uncertainty as to the nature of the conditions that may be imposed on a proposed merger.

In this regard it is worth noting that the SACC has published draft guidelines (currently for public comment) on the Assessment of Public Interest Provisions on Mergers (the “Guidelines”). While the Guidelines are still in draft form, like most of the SACC’s guidelines published to date, it allow for a significant degree of discretion on the part of the SACC.

The Guidelines were an attempt to provide greater clarity and certainty when it comes to assessing the impact that a merger may have on the public interest grounds listed in Section 12A of the Competition Act, however, the Guidelines do not provide guidance with respect to assessing the impact that a merger may have on grounds not listed in Section 12A.

Hence, despite the Guidelines seeking to add clarity and certainty to the issue, the SACC’s expansion of public-interest grounds has for all practical purposes brought us back to square one.

Another Market Inquiry: Grocery/Retail

As mentioned above, public-interest considerations have now been used as the catalyst to drive other competition objectives; most notably, the recently announced market inquiry into the grocery retail sector.

It has been our suspicion from the outset that the market inquiry into the retail sector is driven by an underlying desire to promote Patel’s industrial policies, rather than address any or understand the structure of the market to ensure more competitive market is advanced.

The response by one of South Africa’s largest trade unions, COSATU, has publicly proclaimed its support for the market inquiry, and the reasons advanced in support of the inquiry, very much confirms our suspicions.

In an article published on their website, COSATU has expressed a number of reasons why they support the inquiry. Unsurprisingly, few of the reasons put forward relate to a desire to better understand the functioning of the market from a competition perspective. Much like Mr Patel, the Minister of Economic Development, COSATU has viewed the market inquiry from a socio-economic paradigm as opposed to a competition one.

While the grocery retail market share is largely attributed to the four biggest retailers in the South Africa, the broad ambit of the inquiry coupled with Patel’s comments made in Parliament in which he stated that the retail sector was a great entry point for black South Africans should leave little doubt in any objective observer’s mind that the market inquiry into the grocery sector is steeped in promoting governments industrial policies through the channels of competition regulation.

It should also come as no surprise that Patel was previously a labour activist and previously headed the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU).

COSATU has expressed its support for the market inquiry, largely because COSATU is of the view that the market inquiry will address a number of socio-economic concerns. The following statement made by COSATU clearly illustrates as much:

“It should also be noted that the grocery retail sector is characterized by precarious and atypical employment. Most workers in the sector do not enjoy their basic labour-related socio-economic rights. Negative practices such as labour broking, outsourcing, casualisation and low-pay are prevalent in the sector. COSATU strongly believes that this inquiry is essential for addressing the above-mentioned socio-economic trends.”[3]

The preamble to the Competition Act recognises that Apartheid created a certain concentration of market shares and that South Africa needs a greater spread of ownership. In no way, however, can competition law be used as policy to address, replace and undermine legislation and institutions designed specifically to address identified concerns. In other words, the claim made by COSATU that the market inquiry will address negative labour practices, shows a fundamental flaw in understanding the purpose and nature of competition law and policy.

South Africa has extensive labour legislation and a number of institutions that have been established to deal with negative labour practices.

Placing the responsibility of protecting our labour workforce beyond the scope of the Competition Act, would undermine the efforts of the legislature as well as the institutions entrusted in promoting and enforcing fair labour practices.

Furthermore, even if the market inquiry does in one way or another lead to a greater number of smaller independent retailers, it is difficult to foresee how this will benefit labour conditions. Large retailers’ employees generally belong to trade unions who can act as a voice on their behalf. Employees of small retailers have far less bargaining power.

While it may be that COSATU, as a trade union, need not be too concerned with competition issues as such, trade unions in general have played have had an increasingly significant influence on competition law policy.

It is imperative that an institution such as the SACC remain independent and impartial, yet the SACC’s willingness to align itself with the policies Patel is championing for undoubtedly risks the independence, proper functioning and impartiality of the SACC — a risk the SACC must ensure it protects itself against.


[1] See here, here, and here.

[2] Section 12A(3) of the Competition Act, 89 of 1998.

[3] http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?ID=10618#sthash.XLWeNExH.dpuf

Infrastructure projects, competition & regulation: Tafotie on regional oversight

Africa-infrastructure

The necessity of strong regional regulatory oversight on infrastructure projects in Africa

RogerBy Roger Tafotie

Dr. Tafotie is a Pr1merio advisor with a legal & business focus on both African and European markets.  A member of the Luxembourg Bar, he is also a lecturer in law at the University of Luxembourg. His focus areas include project finance/public private partnerships, banking & finance, and corporate law.

In his latest paper on essential infrastructure development on the African continent, Roger not only embarks on a mission to clarify the valuable role of public-private partnerships (“PPPs”) — he also reminds us that, beyond “well-drafted projects contracts,” there must also be an “effective and efficient African regional regulatory oversight system, with clear roles and lines of command, that is able to protect against ills such as self-dealings and anti-competitive alliances or monopolies,” including “the monitoring of the tendering process against corruption.”

Enhanced competition and an effective oversight system to weed out corruption in the bidding (and execution) process not only protects the local, national or regional governmental issuer of the infrastructure PPP.  In order to keep all stakeholders, including global financing institutions or other private lenders, in a position of “acceptable risk,” a well-supervised competitive process is essential to tender selection and project execution.

You can find the full paper here, exclusively on AAT and on AAF.

Competition Regulation & the ‘spaghetti bowl’ of regional African integration

AAT the big picture

Professor Tchapga on competition legislation in a future regionally integrated Africa

AAT’s own contributing author and Primerio consultant, Professor Flavien TCHAPGA has drafted a paper for the African Economic Conference in Johannesburg.  The conference is organized each year by AfdB, UNECA & UNDP.

We are proud to present his paper here (written in French), which is entitled “Perspective de la régulation concurrentielle des marchés dans la future zone de libre échange continentale en Afrique : Enjeux et défis“.

The concise and eminently readable expose deals with the current and proposed competition regulation in the growing African free-trade area.  It provides a comprehensive overview of, and new insights into, the ‘spaghetti bowl’ of African regional integration and the necessary (yet little developed) competition regulation that must go along with it.

We invite our readership, especially the francophone and francophile contingent, to download and peruse Professor Tchapga’s work.  His prior related work, also published here, has been on developing effective competition policies in Africa and on the inherent tension this effort faces, focused on the member countries of CEMAC and WAEMU.

Short-term sights in favour of long-term gains: Patel’s industrial policies risk effective competition in South Africa

AAT the big picture

By Michael Currie

Discarding any objectivity and international best practice, the Minister of Economic Development, Mr. Ebrahim Patel, has once again expressed his desire to use the South African Competition Commission (“SACC”) as an agency to actively promote the government’s industrial policies.

Speaking at a media briefing, Patel told journalists that the focus of the Economic Development Department would be to grow “black ownership of new industry in South Africa and using state funding to grow the work of black entrepreneurs”.[1]

Minister Patel

Patel said the intention of using the SACC to launch a market inquiry into the retail sector was to “ensure that we’ve got a competitive sector, but also an inclusive sector”. This statement and the decision to institute a market inquiry into the retail sector is, at least at this stage, problematic for two reasons. Firstly, the retail sector is arguably one of the most competitive sectors in South Africa, and any barrier to entry into the sector is a natural consequence of a highly competitive market. Furthermore, Patel identified exclusivity clauses (which are popular provisions inserted into lease contracts between mall anchor tenants and the developers) will be one of the issues that the inquiry will look into. Patel, unfortunately, overlooked the fact that there has already been an investigation relating to these clauses. At the conclusion of the investigation, the SACC found that there is not sufficient evidence of anti-competitive impact, resulting from these clauses, and thus the SACC refrained from referring the matter to the South African Competition Tribunal (“SACT”).[2] This thus begs the question, whether it is necessary to institute a market inquiry with regard to the issue of exclusivity clauses and expose the industry to intensive and unnecessary costs?

In an article written by Mfundo Ngobese in the official newsletter of the SACC, Ngobese responds to an article written by John Oxenham and Patrick Smith, presented at the Eighth Annual Conference on Competition Law, Economics and Policy titled “What is Competition Really Good For?”. The main focus of Ngobese’s article is evaluating the merits of an argument put forward by Oxenham and Smith: that the Competition Authorities should engage in a balancing exercise between the short term impact on public interest issues (such as employment) versus the long term benefits that are associated with effective competition (such as increased economic growth which leads to more jobs created).

Public Interest Test

This brings us back to Patel’s decision to use public interest as the main ground on which a market inquiry into the retail sector should be instituted. The decision to launch a market inquiry based on the anti-competitiveness of exclusivity clauses is simply untenable in light of the SACC’s findings in respect of a previous investigation into the issue, as well as the fact that the retail industry is highly competitive.[4] Using any ‘anti-competitive’ argument as justification for launching this particular market inquiry, would amount to nothing more than a ‘fishing expedition’ by Patel and the Authorities.

The broad public interest grounds which are increasingly becoming prevalent as Patel transcends into the competition arena, coupled with the ill-defined rationale, guidelines and justifications behind the use of public interest grounds in competition review, is contributing significantly to uncertainty in the South African economy.

This ‘uncertainty’, that surrounds doing business in South Africa was recognised by African National Congress (ANC) stalwart Mathews Phosa.  The former ANC Treasurer and Mpumalanga premier identified corruption, inconsistent government policies, and other factors as root causes of investors’ growing reluctance to invest in South Africa:

Policy stability leads to political, social and economic uncertainty. Policy stability in contrast created an “investment friendly culture where every investor feels protected and free to do business”.

While businesses in the retail industry (and indeed businesses across the board) in South Africa, are desperately seeking certainty, Patel is seeking a ‘second bite of the cherry’.

The second issue with Patel’s reason for instituting the market inquiry relates to him wanting to achieve an “inclusive retail sector” and how to bring more “black South Africans into the sector”. While transformation in the economy is certainly an important issue that needs to be addressed in South Africa, it is the manner and form in which such transformation takes place, which is concerning. In this regard, the SACC is patently not the appropriate institution to ensure that there are sufficient black-owned businesses in the retail sector.

Confused Motives

Patel seems to have, unfortunately, conflated the objectives and role of his own department, with the objectives and purpose of the SACC. This comes at a time when other political meddling has led to the resignation of the National Director of Public Prosecutions, Mxolisi Nxasana, who quit his post on Sunday, after almost a year of politically-motivated wrangling and formal investigations being initiated and ultimately dropped by President Jacob Zuma.

Former NPA head Mxolisi Nxasana, forced to resign due to political pressure.

The influence that Minister Patel has had on the SACC’s policy is undoubtedly evident when one evaluates the increased reliance of the South African Competition Authorities to impose stringent conditions in approving mergers.[5]

In justifying the use of public interest grounds in competition law, the Competition Authorities may point out that South Africa’s Competition Act, 89 of 1998 (the “Act”) permits and requires public considerations to be taken into account. However, the use of public interest grounds should not, as seems to be the case, be seen as independent issues unrelated to competition which is to be considered in isolation of the purpose of the Act.[6] The Competition Authorities’ purpose, as set out in Section 2 of the Act is to “promote and maintain competition in the Republic…”. It is likely that Patel views the following two subsections which state that competition must be maintained or promoted to:

promote employment and advance the social and economic welfare of South Africans” (Section 2(c)); and

“promote a greater spread of ownership, in particular to increase the ownership stakes of historically disadvantaged persons” (Section 2(f))[7]

as the basis for his increased reliance on pushing his Department’s policy objectives through the channels of the SACC. However, placing an overly zealous reliance on these two subsections, fundamentally misconstrues the purpose and function of competition law.

Subsections (c) and (f) quoted above are not self-standing provisions; they are qualified by the general purpose of the Act. Furthermore, by viewing or placing greater reliance on these provisions as self-standing provisions, one would run into an inconceivable difficulty when considering section 2(a), which states as a further objective of the Act (and the purpose of the promoting competition) is to promote the “efficiency, adaptability and development of the economy”. At least from a Section 2 perspective, public interest considerations, at best, have to be reconciled with competition issues.

Market inquiries have often been used very successfully as an investigative tool by a number of competition agencies, especially in Europe. However, a market inquiry requires significant resource expenditure by both the SACC and the market participants and often casts a bad shadow over the relevant industry to the detriment of companies who have not engaged in any anti-competitive conduct. Market inquiries should thus be used sparingly and only when there is significant concern that a particular market is not functioning in a competitive manner. A market inquiry should certainly not be used as a means to affect change in the industry in order simply to suit the objectives of the Government.

There is a further institutional concern which must be noted, and that is that the SACC has, like all institutions, limited resources. In order to function as an efficient and formidable competition law agency, the SACC should ensure that what limited resources are available, is best utilised to achieve a competitive market environment in South Africa.

Before even engaging in policy discussions, as those that Patel is pushing for, it would firstly be necessary to ensure that the SACC has the requisite expertise to deal with policy agenda’s which are far broader than pure competition law. There are already institutions, as Patel has recognised, whose responsibility it is to promote economic growth and to address transformation within the economy.[8] It is not the responsibility of the Competition Authorities to address these issues as directly as has been the case in recent years.[9]

The need for transformation and the promotion of black industrialists is an issue to be addressed by the Government, however, it seems that there is a general lack of regard to competition concerns when Government departments form their policies. A good illustration of this is the significant criticism levelled at the new agreement struck between South African Airways (“SAA”) and the Department of Trade and Industry (“DTI”), which will see SAA redirect R10 billion rand of procurement spending to “black industrialists” (“SAA Agreement”).[10]

While this may appear to be a noble policy, the question remains whether new “black industrialists” are coming into existence, or whether existing “black industrialists” are simply going to make substantial profits at the expense of true development.

The SAA Agreement, which requires, without anything more, that a certain amount of supplies (fuel) be purchased from specific suppliers (‘black suppliers’) strikes at the heart of competition. Effectively certain existing competitors are being excluded in order to favour other competitors. In no way does this promote ‘transformation’ within the industry as the existing barriers to entry remain.

From a competition point of view, the benefit of having healthy competition in the commercial aviation market seems to have been overlooked by the DTI. Apart from the direct benefit that flows from actual cheaper air tickets, the knock-on benefits of stimulating the leisure tourism seems to have been overlooked.

While acknowledging that the SAA decision taken by the DTI is not directly linked to competition law, the disregard that the DTI appears to have to competition in the aviation industry is in stark contracts to the to the Competition Authorities in Botswana who have launched a market inquiry into the aviation sector (although notably with the focus being on unscheduled flights), due to having recognised the importance that the price of flight tickets may have on the tourism industry and the benefits that would flow from boosting the tourism industry.

Considering that SAA is battling financially, and is highly dependent on State bailouts, it is baffling that the State’s primary objective is not to ensure that SAA operates viably and competitively, before risking such competitiveness in favour of a policy which is quite frankly, difficult to justify as there is no evidence that such policies actually achieve genuine transformation or promote economic growth.[11]

One can’t help but notice the irony when it comes to the Government’s social and transformation policies. The Government, and Patel in particular, consistently ignore well established economic principles and the benefits that flow from healthy competition in the economy, in favour of promoting short-sighted top-down “transformative industrial policies”, rather than spending the scarce resources on promoting and developing South Africa from a bottom-up approach.

For instance, poor service delivery in South Africa has a significant detrimental economic and social impact on South Africa. Why improving service delivery does not appear to be high on the radar of the Department of Economic Development or the DTI, is surprising if the objectives of these departments are to promote ‘black businesses’, as the areas which are most severely affected by poor service delivery are generally areas where there is a high percentage of black persons living, who form part of the lower income brackets. In other words, areas where the promotion of small businesses and healthy competition would be most valuable to any social development objectives.

Unfortunately, however, a recent report issued by the Institute of Race Relations stated that the highest incidence of recent public protests in relation to poor service delivery, took place in areas were the most “fruitless and wasteful government expenditure” took place.[12]

Recent statistics show that South Africa’s unemployment rate is increasing, bringing into question whether the policy intervention that Patel has been championing over the past 6 years, is indeed yielding the positive results envisioned by the Government. While the purpose of this article is not to evaluate and criticise all policy interventions, the point to be made is that the effectiveness of policy intervention to advance socio-economic interests in the South Africa is in no way proving effective. While there may be a number of reasons for failing policies, it appears worrying that politicians such as Patel are prepared to risk the independence, efficient functioning and objectives of the Competition Authorities, which are ultimately to promote competition in the market, in order to promote industrial policies when there is so much uncertainty whether such policies will truly ensure long term benefits for the Country as a whole.

Two recently issued reports, namely, the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) Report and the IMD World Development Report, succinctly confirm the concerns and issues which are addressed in this article.

The BCG Report evaluates the reasons for South Africa’s stagnant economic growth. The report acknowledges that it is a necessity to improve education and healthcare and reduce unemployment to advance growth; however, the report importantly states that:

There is no hiding from the fact that short-term self-interested behaviour has been prevalent; that the emphasis in South Africa has been on cutting the pie rather than growing it.”[13]

This statement could not be truer if one considers Patel’s disregard of well established benefits that flow from a competitive environment, in favour of promoting industrial policies. The following statement by Adam Ikdal on the poor leadership in South Africa, corroborates this papers view:

a concerted program of execution is essential. In many instances this may mean putting the greater good ahead of the individual or institutional interests.”[14]

The IMD World Competitiveness Report (IMD Report) not only complements the BCG Report, but essentially confirms the views of this paper, with empirical evidence. The IMD Report indicates that South Africa has dropped from a ranking of 37 in 2012 to 53 in 2015 on a list of the world’s most competitive countries. The IMD Report not surprisingly, identified South Africa’s infrastructure shortfall, poor service delivery and lack of education and skills as some of the major contributors to South Africa’s slip down the rankings.

Crucially the director of the IMD World Competitiveness Centre, Arturo Bris, identified what sets the top performing countries apart from the others. This is what Bris had to say, which is essentially, the basis upon which the criticism identified in this paper is levelled at Patel’s policy objectives:

Productivity and efficiency are in the driver’s seat of a competitiveness wagon. Simply put, business efficiency requires greater productivity and the competitiveness of countries is greatly linked to the ability of enterprises to remain profitable over time”.[15]

In conclusion, we note that both transformation and fostering economic growth is an objective of the South African Government. This is, however, no justification for abandoning the tried and tested benefits that flow from a competitive market, in favour of promoting short-term industrial policies such as Patel is doing. Should the SACC adopt Patel’s industrial policies as part of their policy objectives, the SACC ultimately risks its independence and may effectively become an ‘umbrella institution’ under which any industrial policy agendas are driven. This would be an undesirable and intolerable outcome, and one which the South African Competition Authorities need to carefully guard against.


[1] http://www.fin24.com/Economy/Patels-focus-is-on-black-industrial-growth-20150512

[2] Competition Commission News Letter, Edition 51, January 2015.

[3] Competition Commission News Letter, Edition 51, January 2015.

[4] See footnote1.

[5] We have dealt with this aspect of merger control in more depth in previous articles, please see the following link.

[6] To illustrate the extent that public interest considerations are used by the Competition Authorities, the last intermediate merger that was approved unconditionally was in 2008. Since then, there have been 14 mergers that have been approved subject to conditions. As to large mergers, approximately 10 of the most recent 40 mergers that have come before the Competition Tribunal, 5 have been approved subject to conditions. It should be noted that it is the SACC that reviews intermediate mergers, while large mergers are reviewed bu the Competition Tribunal.

[7] Sections 2(c) and (f) of the Competition Act, 89 of 1998.

[8] For example the Industrial Development Corporation.

[9] See the AfriGroup Holdings (Pty) Ltd and Afgri Ltd merger where the South African Competition Tribunal (“SACT”) Acknowledged that the merger poses no horizontal or vertical competition law concerns. Despite reaching such a conclusion, the SACT, approved the merger on condition that an agreement reached by the parties in terms of which Afgri would contribute R90 million over four years, to a development fund for small farmers via the provision of loans, training and grain storage discounts. Similar burdensome conditions are becoming all the more prevalent in merger control, and are often self-imposed by the SACT and are not agreed upon by the parties as was the case in Afgri.

[10] The Business Day, 26 May 2015, page 14.

[11] The Business Day, 26 May 2015, page 14.

[12] http://www.polity.org.za/article/protests-linked-to-fruitless-wasteful-government-expenditure-irr-2015-05-26

[13] Financial Mail, May 21- May 27, 2015 pg 27.

[14] Financial Mail, May 21- May 27, 2015 pg 27.

[15] http://www.engineeringnews.co.za/article/power-problem-features-in-south-africas-fall-in-2015-competitiveness-ranking-2015-05-27/rep_id:3182 (accessed 28 May 2015).

Meet the Enforcers: Companies Tribunal’s Prof. Kasturi Moodaliyar

meet the enforcers

Interview with Professor Moodaliyar marks second in AAT interview series highlighting African enforcers

In the second instalment of our Meet the Enforcers series, we speak with Prof. Kasturi Moodaliyar. An Associate Professor of Competition Law, she is part-time member at the Companies Tribunal; ICASA’s Complaints and Compliance Committee; and the Film and Publication Board Appeal Tribunal. She holds a B.Proc. LLB.LLM.(Natal), M.Phil (Cambridge), and Prog. Economics and Public Finance (UNISA)

As an academic in South Africa, focussing on competition law, how do you perceive the major differences and challenges that developing or younger antitrust-law jurisdictions are faced with, compared to more established ones? Specifically with regards to the Competition Commission, what is your assessment of its strengths and weaknesses?

The Commission has established a credible reputation in the area of anti-cartel enforcement and merger regulation. However, it has been less effective in addressing abuse of dominance. This is a risk as there is increasingly an expectation that the Commission address problems of single firm dominance in concentrated markets in the South African economy. If performance continues to lag in this area it will impact negatively on the perceived effectiveness of the Commission. While under-deterence of abuse of dominance reflects some limitations in the legislation it also highlights the challenge of resource constraints faced by the Commission. Such cases demand extensive legal and economic expertise – a shift of priorities to this area may impact performance of the Commission in areas in which it has traditionally had more success (cartel busting, mergers). The use of complementary tools like market inquiries and advocacy will be important and can asset the Commission – but also places a burden on resources.

Regarding staff turnover: Do you see the personnel turnover in recent history to be of sufficient magnitude to have an impact on the performance of the enforcement agency?

It is a worrying development although there are signs that it is starting to stabilise. Although key executives were lost there are still a number of highly experienced staff at the middle management level within the institution that must be nurtured and developed. Some have moved into executive level positions. This is a positive development but also points to a level go juniority in the executive which may impact on effectiveness. Will watch this space.

On Leadership: Do you consider it a benefit or a hindrance if leadership want to introduce their own philosophy of what competition law should seek to achieve on the agency’s activities during their tenure, or do you think that the law is sufficiently clear, such that leadership should focus on efficient and effective delivery of the service, and leave the interpretation to the Tribunal/courts.

It is natural that any leader will bring their own perspective to the role – this cannot be avoided. However, it will be important for the leadership to ensure that such perspectives do not undermine their objectives in giving effect to the mandate of the Commission – which is set down in the Competition Act. Fortunately there are checks and balances in the adjudicative process (Tribunal, rights of appeal) to ensure that these objectives are not contradicted.

Prioritisation: Every agency has budgetary constraints. What are the factors that you think should be most important in how cases are prioritised, should this be based on the developmental needs to society, particular sectors, or even particular areas of the law. What do you think of the prioritisation of recent Section 8 cases, SAB (10 years on an issue that has been extensively sanitised by foreign agencies), Gold Reef News (de minimis), and Sasol Polymers (niche, with limited potential for downstream beneficiation)?

The Commission’s stated prioritisation principles seem reasonable (as they appear in annual reports). However, there is somewhat of a disjuncture between the principles and the outcomes – particularly with respect to abuse of dominance cases. In fact, the outcomes in respect of anti-cartel enforcement have been largely consistent with the application of the Commission’s prioritisation principles – so credit is deserved here. However, new thinking around prioritisation is needed for abuse of dominance cases. In this regard there needs to be a better integration between the Commissions’s policy and research activity, the use of market inquiries and its advocacy with its planning and actions around enforcement against abuse of dominance.

Do you believe that the Competition Tribunal has a role in relation to broader competition advocacy initiatives in South Africa by way of the decisions made?

Advocacy is primarily a function of the Competition Commission, not the Tribunal. The Tribunal must first and foremost safeguard the integrity of its adjudicative function by ensuring impartiality in its decision making processes. There is no harm done though if the Tribunal makes a contribution to the such initiatives as a bi-product of good decisions.

How important, in your view, is the political independence of competition enforcers?

It is very important if the integrity and effectiveness of the agency is to be upheld.

Comparing merger review in an African jurisdiction (any jurisdiction) with that of other competition enforcement agencies worldwide, where do you see the key differences?

A significant difference does appear to be the elevated status of public interest issues in merger proceedings.

What is your view about the elevation of non-competition assessments above those of pure competition tests in merger review? Is it good for the adjudication of competition matters generally?

It is not a problem in and of itself, and is to be expected given various developmental challenges. However, public interest considerations should not trump core competition concerns. In other words, agencies should strive to achieve consistency between the ‘pure’ competition policy objectives (competitive market structures, efficient outcomes etc) and public interest considerations. However, significant dangers arise when public interest objectives conflict with competition policy objectives. Where there are conflicts, alternative policy mechanisms should be considered so that agencies can focus on core non-conflicting objectives. Otherwise they may end up achieving nothing by trying to please everyone. This also means that the public interest considerations that do fall within the mandate of competition agencies should be carefully circumscribed.

What skills would you encourage regional African practitioners focus in on for purposes of developing antitrust advocacy in the region?

They should build a technocratic and professional staff with strong legal and economic skills. These core functions should also be supported by strong policy research and analysis skills – also of the technocratic professional (rather than political) variety. As an academic in this field I would also encourage ongoing training to strengthen those research, investigative and analytical skills.

Thank you, Professor Moodaliyar.

Public Interest & Merger Control: The Walmart Case Revisited

south_africaThe article below, fitting nicely with AAT’s prior reporting on the “creeping public-interest factors” in African competition law, was submitted to the Department of Law, University of Cape Town, by guest author Abigail Machine.  It reflects the author’s view only.

Public Interest Test and Merger Control in South Africa: The Walmart Case Revisited

The new South African Competition Act 89 of 1998 highlighted an innovative view of a policy which certainly is about efficiencies and growth, yet tempered with its competing non-economic issues of equity, accountability and economic democracy. The policy subscribed to by South Africa is a reflection of the current values and aims of its society. It concerns itself with issues of distribution and power over and above economic efficiency. In this regard, public interest provisions were included as a means to responding to different objectives other than the economic objective of consumer welfare.

The problem with the public interest provisions in the act basically lie with the criticisms levelled against their inclusion, particularly in merger reviews, with critics largely arguing that the public interest issues ought to be addressed in other policies other than the competition act. The paper seeks to provide motivation for a justification of their inclusion in merger reviews by indicating how their presence in the competition policy have actually advanced the original intention of competition through the case study of the gigantic Walmart/Massmart merger case which was contested up to the competition appeal court level and the lessons drawn from the case. A critical analysis of how the case was dealt with from the competition commission stage up to the court of appeal will be illustrated, with particular emphasis on the substantiality of the issues that were raised as well as the difference in consideration of such matters by the three arms dealing with competition. The paper will conclude by indicating the importance of these issues especially in the context of a developing country, by looking at both the advantages and disadvantages of inclusion of public interest considerations in merger review, where competition issues are new and are likely to continue to be on the rise with the developing markets being the targets for further development especially by the western developed countries.

 

Competition Policy in general

As a general proposition, competition law consists of rules that are intended to protect the process of competition in order to maximise consumer welfare.[1]The systems of competition law are concerned with practices that are harmful to the competition processes, in particular anticompetitive agreements such as those between competitors agreeing to fix prices or restrict output, abusive behaviour for example by a dominant firm with substantial market power enabling it to behave as a monopolist and mergers that can lead to anticompetitive behaviour such as abuse of dominance after merging.[2]The benefits that accrue from competition include lower prices, better products, wider choices and greater efficiency than would be obtained under conditions of monopoly. In recent years, many competition authorities have stressed the central importance of consumer welfare when applying competition law.[3]However it would be reasonable to point out that although consumer welfare is currently in the ascendary, many different policy objectives have been pursued in the name of competition. Issues such as redistribution of wealth (promotion of economic equity rather than economic), protection of competitors (protecting small firms against more powerful rivals), unemployment and regional policy in the technical sense can be ascribed to competition law.[4] This means that competition policy does not operate in a vacuum and its success or failure is a combination of factors other than consumer welfare, which issues need consideration in the realm of competition law.

Overview of the South African Competition Law Policy

The South African competition law is hugely influenced by social and historical factors marked by the apartheid era. The new act formed an important part of the reforms designed to both address the historical economic structure and encourage broad based economic development. The government introduced the micro economic reform strategy in which the role of competition policy is defined as central to the efficient outcomes of the markets. The major criticism by the ANC led government on the competition legislation it had inherited was that it was weak in addressing the extent of concentration of ownership and market share.[5]The competition board was relatively weak. It operated under the maintenance and promotion of Competition Act 96 of 1979. The board was simply administrative in nature without executive authority, but made recommendations to the minister who would decide whether to accept or reject such recommendations.[6]

Its link to the government meant that its impact essentially depended on whether the government wished to use it as a tool for pursuing policy goals.[7] This old structure could be the reason why there was a shift in the new structure as it was learnt from experience that competition issues and politics could not be related if there was any intended achievement in this arena of competition law. The minister as a political figure representing the government forms part of stakeholders affected by competition issues. To be asked to judge on such matters would in most cases result in the neglect of competition issues that this particular stakeholder did not find in its favour, even though such issues enhanced other welfare issues. It was imperative that such duties be removed from the government.

The apartheid government had close relations with big business. The board was largely complaints driven as opposed to assessing practices in highly concentrated industries.[8] The new government having regard to all the old practices which produced inefficiencies affecting a multitude of the South African society, sought a new policy aimed at promoting and maintaining competition in a bid to a) Promote efficiency, adaptability and development of the economy b) Provide consumers with competitive prices and product choices c) Expand opportunities for South Africa’s participation in world markets d) Promote small and medium sized enterprises to participate in the economy e) Give previously disadvantaged South Africans ownership right[9]. It is trite to note that at the time the new legislation was enacted, the government was responding to contextual problems that needed to be solved as Fox indicated and in doing so were answering questions like who in the country was harmed by what practices, how the problems were to be solved and at what cost.[10]

The new policy brought about major changes in the legal provisions relating to mergers, where compulsory premerger notification for certain deals was introduced. It is argued that a notification system allows the authority to respond in a timely manner to external changes in market structure that might significantly impede competition for a long time.[11] The institutions were made independent of the government and three different institutions were set up to deal with competition issues, being the competition commission, the competition tribunal and the competition appeal court. Merger activities are prevalent in South Africa and most common, hence the need to guard against any ill effects associated with such activities. It should be noted as well that in the case of South Africa like in many instances in developing countries, public interest provisions are read together with merger activities.

Perhaps the most important factor to consider in this regard also is the characterisation of South Africa and the effects of such on the development of its policy. South Africa is a developing country which is basically associated with low levels of market development, high government market control, high barriers to trade, high levels of unemployment, and extreme inequalities in distribution of wealth and opportunities and political instability. These characteristics affect the choice of goals, as enshrined in the South African competition act[12]. As a developing country, it strives for inclusive growth. In a recent OECD roundtable on competition and poverty eradication, delegates of competition authorities in developing countries argued that the ‘political stability of the competition policy authorities depends to a large extent on how they are seen as contributing to poverty reduction and employment creation. It would be risky for them to state that their only target is combatting harm to competition by producers and that the impact of their efforts on poverty or inequality is irrelevant.’[13]This reinforces the reason why other competing issues are found in most competition policies of developing countries and why it is not viable for these countries to have a total legal transplant of the practices of liberal markets where their conceptions as developed countries are not necessarily ideal for small and emerging markets.[14]

Fox and Gal have also reinforced the place of development in competition. They argue that development affects goals.[15]Whereas developed economies with already functioning markets can afford to focus solely on efficiency, disregarding distributive effects based on assumption that when the markets are free and open competition itself will generally create positive distributive effects, this is not true of developing jurisdictions. There, the focus must be on efficient inclusive development of their markets, which gives weight to distributive concerns as part of the long term development of the economy.[16] This is because developing countries cannot afford to disregard distributive concerns, for economic, political and social reasons.[17]This is the typical case for South Africa, as a result of its apartheid regime.

Fox states that efficiency is a multifaceted concept and ‘there is no one thing called efficiency’. She points out that conducts, transactions and markets have efficiency and inefficiency properties at the same time and the relative dimensions of each property are affected by assumptions regarding how well markets work. How one applies a goal of efficiency therefore depends on what one values and stresses as well as hunches as to what will produce the most efficiencies in all of its senses.[18]This means therefore that for each competition policy to work it has to consider the conditions under which it will be acceptable and effective. In the South African context, its ambition could only be achieved by addressing issues that responded to public interest test as well.

Fox further supports the manner in which the competition policy of South Africa was drafted when she expressed her sentiments on antitrust or competition law for developing countries. She argues that antitrust for developing countries must be seen in a broader context, instead of focussing on aggregate wealth or welfare goal which would not be necessarily welcome or suitable for developing nations. Access to basic needs and participation to the economy are no longer a big concern for developed countries. However developing countries are still dealing with those basic concerns. Although globalisation and free markets increase wealth and make more business opportunities available to many, they also make the stronger economic actors more powerful and the small businesses weak’… to the extent that efficiency as a goal of antitrust implies disregard of distributional values, it may not be the centrepiece that developing countries would choose.’[19]While all this seems to be making sense and understandable even by critics, the biggest concern especially for critics of this inclusive framework is the ability of competition authorities to strike a balance between economic efficiency goals and non-economic goals.

Before turning to the South African merger regulation, it is also important to look briefly at practices of other countries in relation to public interest issues to see if these align with practices in South Africa. This seeks to give a background to the justification of these provisions to reveal the point that South Africa’s initiative and other competition policy holders are not misguided.

Public Interest in other Jurisdictions

According to Oxenham Botswana, Malawi, Namibia, Swaziland and Zambia are some of the jurisdictions in Africa that include some form of public interest considerations as part of their competition regulation. The provisions in respect of public interest in these jurisdictions are mainly associated with the assessment of merger activity and do not extend to prohibited conduct or exemptions.[20]In Zambia the scope of potential factors for consideration is essentially unlimited including not only unemployment, exports and international competitiveness but also socio-economic factors as may be appropriate.[21] This kind of provision is highly likely to lead to different interpretations which may be tailored to suit different cases as and when they arise. It makes it difficult for precedent setting, which is an important aspect of law. It should be clear what exactly is covered under public interest provisions for proper functioning of such non-economic competing goals. In Kenya public interest considerations include exports, promoting stability or even obtaining a benefit for the public can be used to justify an exemption for otherwise anticompetitive agreements.[22]

In Zimbabwe, public interest provisions also relate to promotion of small and medium sized enterprises, facilitation of indigenisation and localisation of economic activities, as well as development of local brands into regional and international brands.[23]Its provisions are related to the ones provided for in South Africa and are manifest in many of the Zimbabwean competition cases. For example when Pretoria Portland cement from South Africa sought to merge with Portland holding in Zimbabwe, the merger was approved on condition that the acquiring South African company modernise the plant of the target in Zimbabwe and maintain it as a going concern producing cement in Zimbabwe. There was concern that although the merger generated a number of public interest benefits such as facilitating foreign direct investment and increased foreign exchange earnings, stakeholders from Pretoria Portland Cement might close the plant in Zimbabwe and supply the country from its South African Operations, hence the conditions imposed.[24]

The Coca-Cola/Cadbury- Schweppes merger was approved on condition that in addition to acquiring the Cadbury-Schweppes beverage brand, the Coca-Cola company should also acquire Cadbury-Schweppes bottling plant in Zimbabwe, modernise it and dispose of it to local indigenous investors and that Coca-Cola company develops Cadbury-Schweppes local Mazoe and Calypso beverage brands into regional and international brands.[25] The British American Tobacco/Rothmans of Pall Mall merger was also approved on condition that the merged entity disposes of its surplus cigarette making machinery and equipment to other local investors interested in entering the market. The merger would create a monopoly in the industry but it was noted that the amalgation of the two companies had certain public interest benefits as outlined in s32(5) of the act. The conditions imposed were aimed at alleviating possible adverse effects of the monopoly situation created.[26]Conditions imposed were both of a structural and behavioural nature. In China many of the prohibited conduct investigations by the national development and reform commission including cartel investigations appear to focus on products in which there is a substantial interest such as salt, telecoms and inputs for popular medicines.[27]

Historically in the United Kingdom, competition authorities had a public interest test from 1948 to 1998 which included a number of varying factors such as protection of employment and exports. The then Fair Trade Act gave discretion to the United Kingdom authorities to decide on what they would take into account in determining public interest, which essentially broadened the scope of such considerations beyond the promotion of competition. As of 2002, the only stipulated public interest consideration related to the protection of national interest.[28] In the USA, there seems to be no provision for public interest in the Sherman act or the clayton act with the exception that the small business act confers immunity on joint actions by smaller firms in response to a request by the president pursuant to a voluntary agreement or programme approved by the president to further the objectives of the small business act, if found by the president to be in the public interest as contributing to the national defence.[29]

These illustrations serve to indicate the various forms taken by countries in advancing public interest depending on the socio-economic and political imperatives of an economy. Although there tends to be a natural friction between the considerations of public interest and the economic, efficiency driven principles that underlie competition policy and law, it can be argued that there is a role for public interests in the application of competition policy in developing economies. What needs to be guarded against is the abuse of these provisions and that public interests should only come into play when they are exceptional and should be seen within the context of the primary competitive assessment. A look at the public interest provisions in South Africa provides background to the much publicised Walmart case and the issues it posed not only for South Africa but for the global society as a whole.

 

Public interest provision in the South African Competition Act

The key provisions of the act that relate to public interest are located in three parts, viz the preamble and purpose of the act, the consideration of mergers and exemptions.[30] The preamble states that the act will benefit all South Africans and is necessary to regulate the transfer of economic ownership in keeping with the public interest. Section 2 of the act outlines the purpose of the act which is intended among other things to promote employment and advancing equity opportunities for small and medium sized enterprises.[31] With respect to mergers, the concept is more fully developed in section 12 of the act, and this is of particular interest to this paper.

A merger is defined as where one or more person acquires direct or indirect control over ‘significant interests in the whole or part of the business of a competitor, supplier or customer…’ Control is defined as ownership of or the ability to vote a majority of the relevant shares. It also includes the ability to materially influence materially the policy of the firm as if majority control was held.[32] Section 12A states that in addition to competition and efficiency considerations, it is also necessary to assess whether a merger can be justified on grounds of substantial public interest or not by assessing the factors set out in section 12A (3). This is to be done whether or not a merger is found to be competitive.

When considering whether or not a merger will be justified on grounds of public interest grounds, the competition commission or tribunal must consider the effects that the merger will have on a) a particular industry sector or region b) employment c) ability of small businesses or firms controlled or owned by historically disadvantaged persons to become competitive d) ability of national industries to compete in international markets.[33]The mergers that are of particular concern in this context are large mergers, which cannot be effected until they have been approved by the competition tribunal.

The meaning of the section 12 interpretation in relation to mergers is that even where a merger has passed the efficiency test, it has to be still considered in terms of public interests provisions, to confirm that such efficiencies as well tally with what public interest seeks to achieve. The only considerations that have to be given are those of a substantial nature. Although this requirement has been qualified and the public interest issues have been restricted to those provided in the act, it still remains a challenge to decide when public interests are trivial especially where they have been raised. The only way that it can be established whether the issues are not substantive is when the authorities consider them, which means that even those that are not substantial are still considered for the authorities to come to a meaningful conclusion. Simple oversight of the issues where they are raised even where prima facie they appear trivial is tricky especially in developing countries where the authorities are still trying to set precedents, and also making effort to be seen to be advancing the goal of competition policy. The considerations of public interest alongside the efficiency issues in the act is an indication of the earlier notion of how the issues compete with each other as opposed to against each other. When issues compete with each other, it means their consideration has to be done in light of their complementing each other to achieve the same goal that they both seek to advance.

For the very consumer that competition law seeks to protect today is the very consumer that is found in the public interest arena either as an employee or business owner, whose concerns still need to be assessed and addressed in so far as competition law is concerned. In light of the provisions highlighted, the writer now turns to the famous Walmart/ Massmart merger case as decided by the three arms of competition. The case is an illustration of a challenge that arose in the field of competition where a multinational company was involved, yet no competition issues were found to exist in the merger, with the resultant argument resting purely on public interest grounds. The giant story is a ground breaking scenario of where competition authorities’ expertise was tested and tried and nevertheless succeeded, confirming the place of public interest as rightfully within competition law.

Issues in the Walmart/Massmart merger

Walmart’s entry into South Africa with the aim of merging with Massmart raised no economic concerns as it was not in competition with Massmart. The two issues that underpinned the whole case were employment and procurement issues, which were brought by the trade unions and the ministers representing the government.[34] The union was greatly concerned with the possible reduction of jobs following the merger as a result of the history of the retailer’s conduct on the conditions of workers in the markets it already operated.[35] Perhaps this argument may have surprised merging parties although this is evidence of the effects of the new age of information circulating 24 hours and instant social media. The government was concerned with procurement being taken away from the local suppliers to foreign suppliers as a result of Walmart’s global purchasing power. It meant loss of business for the small and medium businesses which could not compete with Walmart in this regard and subsequent further loss of jobs[36]. These concerns were as a result of the information gathered on the multinational’s practices in the areas it operated, hence the fear that despite its economic efficiencies, its negative influence would spread to South Africa going to the root of the issues that the competition sought to correct. It was an appeal to the authorities to confirm its commitment from a shift in mind to just attracting foreign direct investment, to considering what foreign direct investment would achieve for South Africa holistically.[37]

Procurement issues posed a challenge in one or two ways. The localisation drive by the government affects competition in two ways. One, as a procurer of goods and services itself, this drive could from a competition policy perspective be conceived as anticompetitive. They restrict competition by favouring the local producers over importers purely based on geographical location of the producer and not on efficiency grounds. This reduces consumer choices with regards to price and quality and could lead to production inefficiencies as innovation is protected by the protectionist measures.[38]Secondly, as a promoter of competition law in the context of a localisation policy, it could be said the protection of local industries and the advancing of national champions in particular sectors as one of the tools historically and currently used by many governments to stimulate economic growth, protect against job losses and create competitive advantage. This could stimulate the entry of new players into the market or the growth of small businesses, albeit local ones. However, this drive should ideally be limited to defined strategic industries.[39]

It is no surprise that public interest issues had a big part to play in this instance. Walmart’s advantage would surely justify these concerns, which surely needed great consideration as was done by the competition appeal court. By all accounts, technology and scale are at the core of Walmart’s advantage over its rivals. Walmart’s technological edge is in its logistics, distribution and inventory control. It operates the largest private satellite communication in the world. Its advantage has helped it to grow and this has lowered its operating costs through economies of scale.[40] This means that this advantage it has is carried throughout its operations and with its expansion, it will continue to maintain its advantage over its competitors. While it is good for its business, it is problematic for competitors and other rivals which cannot measure to its scale and technological effect.

Consumers favour Walmart for its lower prices. Poorer consumers are much more likely to shop from Walmart than are richer ones and have benefited disproportionately from Walmart’s rise.[41] Its entry into markets tends to lower the prices that incumbent competitors charge and indirectly affects even consumers who shop elsewhere.[42] It will be difficult not to welcome a competitor whose effects extend to the poorest whose welfare competition law seeks to uphold. Its entry which affects the manner in which other competitors behave surely is a bonus for all customers as they are forced to rethink strategy to keep attracting customers.

It is inevitable that in a competitive environment, the emergence of a more efficient firm will tend to edge out some less efficient incumbents and is likely to prompt others to change some of their practices. Against local competitors, Walmart’s entry causes a small number of local competitors in each market to shut down. Its effects on large chain competitors is much more complicated. Walmart creates an even tougher competitive environment because each new Walmart store reduces local competitors’ market share and profit margins, resulting in large reductions in revenue.[43]It is this effect on local competitors that is cause of concern especially in emerging markets where they are trying to promote small and medium local competitors. To their minds, the emerging markets’ intention of welcoming competition is not so as to oust small players merely because of lack of scale. The shift in mindset for most emerging markets, and South Africa is that these small competitors be promoted by the big businesses so that they continue to grow. The question that remains to be answered is how best this engagement can be done.

Its global sourcing has contributed to its advantage over small retailers by allowing it to procure inputs at lower costs and as trade barriers have fallen, making imports cheaper, Walmart’s advantage has increased even further. Its preferred suppliers are foreign suppliers. For example, using its global sourcing advantage, it imported US$18 billion worth of goods from China alone, accounting for 15.4% of USA imports of consumer goods from China that year.[44] While this is good for the US which is a liberal market and is primarily concerned with consumer welfare, this kind of operation would be worrisome for a country like South Africa which has more than one goal for competition law. Such global sourcing will surely shun away local producers even if they are efficient simply because Walmart has already established its preferred source. While its practice may benefit the consumer, it will still hurt the same consumer in the sphere of employment and business. With this kind of effects, which is both on the good and the ugly side, there surely needed to be a big consideration for a balance between retaining foreign direct investment and addressing public interest concerns which the giant threatened to disturb. Turning to the issues that the authorities dealt with, it is sought to analyse how the authorities dealt with the matter from inception.

Walmart/Massmart merger consideration before competition authorities

When the consideration was brought before the competition commission, the competition authorities made recommendations for the approval of the merger without any conditions attached to it. It may be that no considerations were done on the part of the competition commission since it has no authority to approve large mergers, but one would ask themselves if it is correct for authorities to overlook significant issues in their recommendations simply because they have no authority to deal. It may be that the commission has got no sufficient resources to deal with issues that are of concern for the tribunal but then the question of efficiencies is considered from inception and such attitude as the competition commission’s to adequately apply their minds to their recommendations might as well pose a threat to the success of the competition policy. In this regard, there needs to be redress for the competition commission to be fully resourced in order to assist it with efficiency.

Before the competition tribunal, the opposing parties argued against the merger stating that the merger would result in a shift in purchasing away from South African manufacturers towards foreign low costs Asian producers, which would in turn impact on small and medium sized businesses within South Africa and a further consequent loss of jobs. The trade union SACCAWU was fighting for reinstatement of the retrenched 500+ workers, which the union contended had been retrenched in anticipation of the merger. Having realised as well the challenges that would come with the merger, the merging parties approached the authorities with their request to merge armed with conditions to be voluntarily attached to the merger.[45]

The tribunal considered the matter and agreed that indeed there were issues of public interest that needed redress although the merger did not raise any competition concerns in that Walmart did not compete with Massmart in South Africa. Its only presence was its procurement arm of IPL which did no more than purchase South African produce for an export market. It refused the argument that the retrenchment of the employees was as a result of the merger that was anticipated and therefore rejected the suggested reinstatement, but agreed to one of the conditions to the merger that first preference be given to the retrenched employees when opportunities arose[46]. On issues of procurement where it was argued that there would be a shift to foreign producers resulting in job losses, the court held that the argument was less compelling when weighed against the consumer interest in lower prices that favoured the poorest of South Africans. In sum the tribunal accepted that the merger be enforced with conditions to the effect that there would be no retrenchment for a period of two years from the date of merger, that first preference would be given to retrenched employees when opportunities arose, that the merged parties honour existing labour agreements and that a programme be established to deal with development of local suppliers funded in the sum of R100 million[47].

An inference from this ruling with firstly, regards to employment is that there is a preference on the part of the tribunal to sacrifice job issues where lower prices favouring the consumers are concerned. This consideration was also premised on the promise of future jobs by the merging party. The attitude adopted by the authorities at this stage is problematic in that it sent a message that in the competition realm, there were instances when something had to be sacrificed for something, in this case jobs for lower prices. Issues of employment cannot afford to be ignored even where it is believed by some that a few numbers will do no harm. South Africa suffers from high unemployment and any reduction in employment adds to the problem. It is also difficult for the authorities to gauge in instances like employment what number would be acceptable as substantial to consider that employment goes to the root of matters when efficiency issues are considered in mergers. Some critics would want to agree with the court’s ruling that even the loss of jobs would be justifiable where mergers are concerned because there is always restructuring that comes with new changes. However, in this case, the writer would want to believe that it would not make much sense for the merged parties to argue that they would be bringing more jobs when they were cutting those that already existed. In any event, there is no definite assurance of what a merger would do after its passing and it would be difficult to solely rely on assumptions or even what is happening in other areas where such competitors are operating.

The tribunal was correct in refusing a condition that the government ministers wanted regarding restrictions on imports in terms of procurement. It ought then to have considered what would be best to attract local procurement to promote the local suppliers and small businesses. In this regard the tribunal agreed with the merging parties on a development fund that was exclusively directed towards the small businesses. This proposal was a good proposal in that the merging parties were alert to the culture of South African industrial policy which promotes local businesses. By voluntarily taking it upon themselves to uplift the small businesses in South Africa, as they carried on with their own businesses, they also reflected on how they embraced their social responsibility as a corporate citizen. By this is meant that they in many ways, as a corporate entity, have the power to affect the society in which they operated which power could equal or exceed that of human citizens. Being a responsible citizen is exhibited in many ways in South Africa, one way which the merged company sought to reflect by being responsible towards its stakeholders. Responding to the needs of the society one operates in is a social license to operate without which it would be difficult to operate. This act alone would see Walmart’s support from the government for its effort to assist government to advance development, and the society in general especially the small businesses and even the consumers.

Inspite of the success by the merged entities at this stage, one trade union still remained unsatisfied with the ruling and appealed to the competition appeal court. The ministers also appealed for a review of the proceedings. Of concern is the appeal which proceeded with the public interest issues as the review was dismissed. The trade union, SACCAWU contended that the tribunal did not apply fully its mind to substantial public interest considerations that came before it. The competition appeal court found that the introduction of the largest retailer in the world to South Africa might pose significant challenges for the participation of South African producers in global value chains which is dominated by Walmart. It held that failure to meaningfully engage with the implications the challenge posed by globalisation could well have detrimental economic and social effects for the South African economy.[48]

The appeal court agreed with the tribunal court that the solution to the possible threats of greater imports and subsequent detrimental effects to local producers did not lie with domestic content requirement as that would pose difficulties. This meant that if the requirement of domestic content was to be imposed, other competitors would be free to import as much as they liked whilst the merged parties were restricted by local content, which issue would also go to the root of world trade organisation agreements to which South Africa is a signatory.[49] Besides, this would lead consumers to having limited choice again as opposed to the goal of choice that competition seeks to uphold. The appeal court‘s main concern was with the insufficient interrogation of the conditions imposed by the tribunal court.

Revisiting firstly the issues of employment and the strategic retrenchment done by Massmart in anticipation of the merger, the court found on evidence led by the parties that indeed the retrenchment was not justified as it was merger related. The merging parties failed to explain how the merger and retrenchment were separated. In this regard, the court ordered the reinstatement of the retrenched employees. The court took its time to look deeper into the timing of the retrenchment and together with evidence of correspondences between the merging parties indicating that it was clear Massmart was the exclusive target, came to conclude that ‘a retrenchment that took place shortly before a merger is consummated may raise questions as to whether the decision forms part of the broader merger decision-making process and would accordingly be sufficiently closely related to the merger in order to determine that the merging parties must justify their retrenchment decision.’[50]

The court further investigated how the development fund was to be used to develop small and medium businesses, as well as how the merging parties had come to a conclusion that a sum of R100 million would suffice. The court was not satisfied with a mere indication of a development fund. It went a step further and ordered an inquiry into the appropriate means by which South African small and medium enterprise suppliers were to participate in Walmart’s global value chain training programmes that might be established to train local suppliers on how to conduct business with the merged entity and the costs which would be reasonably incurred in so far as the development of such a programme is concerned. Experts were engaged in this process to assist the court and the parties concerned.[51] When the inquiry was done and the court was satisfied with the inquiry, it altered the order of the development fund and ordered that a sum of R200 million be effected towards development of the small scale businesses and that the operation should run for a period of five years. This was the final judgement passed on 9 October 2012.[52]

The competition appeal court reinforced two important issues in its dealing with the appeal. Its broader understanding of the context in which section 12A (3) applied in merger issues and its application of the context revealed that competition authorities need not take an armchair approach when dealing with mergers as large and as threatening as the Walmart/ Massmart merger. It should be understood that once mergers are approved, they cannot be reversed and every effort should be made that in approving the mergers, errors be avoided. This means either approving an anticompetitive merger or refusing an otherwise competitive merger. The merger also posed a major challenge in the competition arena as it involved one of the biggest multinationals, whose effects would not be known by just speculating. The authorities in this instance have to brace themselves for such big challenges for besides being a complex legal aspect, issues that involve multinationals have global influence. In trying to put South Africa on the map as advanced or competitive in issues of competition, cases like this could make or break the system.

What the competition appeal court demonstrated at national and international level was that unless the courts are prepared to assist the state by providing suitable mechanisms for enforcement of statutory obligations, an impression will be created that competitors are free to exploit competition laws of the country for the profit over the lifetime of the mergers. Thereafter they may simply walk away from their competition obligations. This simply cannot be permitted in a constitutional democracy which recognises the interests of all its citizens to be protected from the negative effects of competition. This has as well reinforced the fact that the shift in focus has gone from simply attracting foreign direct investment to what foreign direct investment can do for South Africa. Foreign direct investment in South Africa is viewed as beneficial only when it achieves certain policy aims.[53] Whether or not this message sent by the Walmart case is deterrent for future investments or not is yet to be seen.

The case has revealed that mergers involving multinational enterprises have a global dimension with far reaching implications going beyond the sphere of national competition law.[54] The international dimension of competition and its potential detrimental effects on vulnerable economic actors cannot be gauged in full by a national competition court which has limited resources and time constraints. Therefore numerous aspects in the social and employment fields remain unsolved. They fall victim to the fragmentation of and specialisation of national law which renders it impossible to regulate multinational enterprises more comprehensively.[55] It would appear that an international competition court with independent legal experts might be better off placed to apply directly binding competition rules to Multinational enterprises with the court having the competencies as human and material capacities to look into all merger related implications and to enforce compliance with internationally agreed minimum standards. Since such does not exist, there remains a considerable legal gap, to the advantage of multinational enterprises.[56]

While this may be the case, Walmart in South Africa has also served as a wakeup call to those developing countries with their competition laws which have a different setup from South Africa and worse still those without even a competition policy on the dangers and challenges posed by the entry of Multinationals in their respective jurisdictions. It is particularly interesting to note that if public interest provisions were absent in the competition policy, all the concerns that were raised may not have even been addressed even in areas where critics believe they should be addressed. The purpose of having these issues addressed before any operations commence is to avoid negative effects, therefore in their capacity the competition authorities are proactive rather than reactive.

Implications of the Walmart case

There are several lessons that Walmart learnt from its experience in South Africa, that are relevant to its desired expansion to other developing countries that are relevant to other multinational enterprises considering entering into developing countries. Walmart appears to have considered its business partners as its prime audience in view of the benefits it brought to South Africa.[57]It failed to predict and therefore act on taking measures to soften the news on other stakeholders. Had it recognised the trade union’s importance within South Africa’s politics, they may have taken some initiative to moderate the union’s opposition to its entry.[58] It also failed to appreciate the effects of the new era which is the information age, where news circulate twenty four hours, and the resultant effects of the spread of its operations, which operations create its image. If it had considered all this, it would have revised its strategy on entry and sought to understand first South African culture, whose corporate governance is based on a stakeholder inclusive approach.[59] This means that for South Africa everyone who has the capacity to affect or be affected by the corporation’s activities is subject to consideration and engagement, as opposed to countries like the US where shareholder primacy is the system. This revelation again goes to the argument why public interest issues could not be left to the government, as it forms part of stakeholder group, and it would be inappropriate or rather ineffective to ask a stakeholder to decide what is in the best interests of other stakeholders. The independent competition authorities are better off adjudicating on such issues as they are separated from any such interests.

The case has also established that labour unions in their efforts to protect employees must be aware of the fine line that exists in protecting the local workers versus alienating foreign investors with strict demands that will make them look for more hospitable environments given the fierce competition in developing markets. Whilst their role is to protect workers, they must be wary of deterring foreign investments that might have benefited the host country’s labour force and the local economy.[60]Maybe in this instance, policies need to be revisited to readdress the power of these unions, which may on the face of it simply deter the much needed foreign direct investments. Perhaps there needs to be engaged experts in the unions so that they also assist with rationalising the thinking of an ordinary man who just knows that their rights have to be protected, without delving deeper as to at what cost that has to be done.

Political leaders must be mindful of the implications that domestic policy may have on foreign direct investment. The success of the trade unions and small businesses in requesting concessions which were granted suggest that they won against Walmart, but some fear that the highly charged political discussions as well as the concessions Walmart made to enter South Africa may make other retailers and other multinationals more hesitant to enter contentious markets. For example investors in America worry about countries that impinge on free market capitalisation. It is clear that while Walmart might have the financial clout to appease government and pump money into socio-economic causes, other investors working on narrower margins of profit are less willing to indulge and take the risk.[61]However it should be remembered as well that South Africa’s key position and its strategic regional importance may give it leverage in negotiations with multinational enterprises. The question then will be why not use the leverage if it can to advance its purpose, which surely it is using as illustrated by this case. However smaller economies in emulating South Africa need to tread with care in finding a balance between domestic policy and international investment.

In light of these findings, the next question would be whether or not the competition authorities achieved their purpose in the public interest arena. What Walmart has done after the final judgement serves to illustrate the success

What has the Walmart case achieved since the final judgement?

South African retailer Massmart was reported to use its international reach of US parent company Walmart to increase export opportunities for emerging South African wine markets under its developing wine programme. This follows the successful entry of the popular seven sisters wines and Zulu king Goodwill Zwelithini’s royal brand Bayede! Wines into the US and China respectively in 2012.[62] Seven sisters are now on the shelves of 300 Walmart stores in US after launching in 54 stores in August 2012, while Bayede! Wines recently shipped around 35000 bottles to China also under a contract with Walmart. According to Massmart, the 19 participating brands have sold almost 17000 bottles locally since the launch of the programme in March 2012. All the brands are in the Makro shops and selected Game stores. Participants in this programme received consulting advice on issues such as customer analysis, packaging and pricing. Getting the wines from the farms to the stores was the biggest challenge and Massmart provides logistics support.[63] This reinforces the structure that the court sought from the merging parties to clearly indicate how they were going to work with small enterprises to ensure the development fund produced the desired results. Whilst the merger is benefitting from local procurement, the small and medium enterprises are benefitting from engaging with a global player which puts them on a global map by engaging with their products both locally and internationally.

Walmart commenced farming projects, contracting with farmers in the Limpopo region whereby the corporation purchases produce from these farmers, as well as providing training, mentoring and assistance with finance and business opportunities.[64] It introduced a direct farming project in South Africa and aims to source 30% of its produce via this project, connecting some 1500 farmers to the group’s value chain by 2016. This is an estimate of how the project is intended to grow but the good news is that these small businesses are already engaged by Walmart. This follows the conditions of the merger. Walmart has its foundation in South Africa which donated 100 fully equipped mobile kitchens to the 94+ school projects for Madiba, for use in under-resourced schools.[65] It is making a commitment to making meaningful contributions to the country, which go beyond consumer benefits. This illustrates as well the fact that it has come to appreciate the country’s culture that recognises a corporate as a citizen with responsibilities. Powerful corporations have the capacity that could exceed government efforts or capacities, which if taken seriously help in improving economies.

The programme ‘empowering women together’ was launched in 2011 to help very small to medium sized enterprises run by women with the aim of integrating them into Walmart’s supply chain. The programme was aimed at all African women from the participating countries including South Africa. An exclusive website aimed at showcasing women entrepreneurs from the nine participating countries was launched. It is a concept which connects shoppers in the US with quality products made by women owned businesses around the world. The vice president of Walmart alluded to the fact that’…and in doing that it helps achieve so much more. Through Walmart’s empowering women together, customers can help the suppliers increase their income, better their lives and create new jobs for others and Walmart can help these suppliers gain experience with buying trend, scaling, product development and acumen they need to build their businesses.’[66]

All these efforts are an illustration that Walmart has learnt its lesson well enough to appreciate the African countries’ culture at large. The voice of many developing countries was echoed through this case and Walmart learnt, as much as other investors who were following the matter, that these concerns established in South Africa are not South Africa’s only, and used its advantage by embracing a culture common to African developing countries to sell its business. The sentiments echoed by the vice president are a reflection of an investor who has come to appreciate that in as much as they have their cultures which they need respect and adherence to, so do other nations as well. Business opportunities cannot be deterred by a country’s culture if investors carefully consider the objectives of a target’s policies. For example in this instance, South Africa simply demonstrated its need to grow as an economy and how it enforces growth mechanisms in the sphere of competition law. All this goes back to the intention of its competition policy which concerns itself with consumer welfare alongside its competing values which have to be viewed holistically.

Perhaps what needs to be elaborated in so far as the competition policy is concerned is its aim in so far as the greater good is achieved. Obviously because of the complexity of some cases dealt with, it cannot be concluded that the Walmart case is a complete precedent of how the other multinational enterprises should expect they will be treated when entering South Africa. Each case is dealt with on its merits and this is what is important to remember, although it needs to be clear that the culture of the country will not change.

As a result of this case and other previously decided matters, there has been massive argument for and against public provisions in the competition act. This obviously means that the public interest provisions in the act are not comprehended at the same level by different stakeholders. It will be trite to look at some of the arguments put forward, having considered all other issues relevant for public interest considerations.

Arguments for and against public interest provisions in the Competition Act

Critics of public interest provisions in the South African act begin by arguing that the provision is subject to many interpretations. As a result, the scope of error, flexible interpretation and objectivity of judgement seems great.[67]Perhaps the time that this argument was put forth in 1999, it could be justified because the new act had just been enacted in 1998 and the authorities were still grappling with balancing the competing interests, dealing with new matters. Precedents had not been set. It would be questionable to still raise the issue almost a decade and half later when the authorities have acquainted themselves with different cases they deal with. It has also been argued that the socio-economic objectives of public interest incorporate redistribution, labour issues and black economic empowerment. Relying on the competition policy to achieve these objectives is inappropriate as there are more specific policies that could be used to address these issues.[68] While it may be true that there is an overlap of responsibilities, it should be borne in mind as well that the socio-economic issues referred to are unique in that they are competition related, more particularly merger related. They arise within the merger considerations and therefore need to be dealt with when issues of competition are being considered. It would be inappropriate to have these issues dealt with by another authority as it means they would have to wear competition garments to understand the relationship and be able to deal with them.

Some have mourned the unnecessary delays caused by considering these non-economic issues especially where economic issues are absent, for example in the Walmart case. Longer periods are needed for proper assessment of competition factors with simultaneously conducting a public interest inquiry and analysis. Sometimes issues like job losses due to mergers will be as a result of a general decline in the industry, with the resultant operational and pricing pressures having already forced a number of players to either consolidate their operations or undertake radical rationalisation. For example in Bucketfull (pty) ltd and Nampak products merger considerations, where a condition relating to employment was attached as part of its considerations of Public interest issues, it was argued that absent merger the two parties would be entitled to reduce employment numbers for operational reasons in terms of the labour relations act.[69]

In instances like this, it would be difficult for competition authorities to still concern themselves where there is evidence to the inevitable consequences of merging, as it is always natural to expect restructuring. In this instance, it can be said, unless the courts inquire into the full factors arising out of the mergers, they would not be in a position to know at face value whether such interests need consideration or not. Their substantiality is always informed by inquiry. This in turn leads to a problem of lack of guidance on how to measure substantiality. Although public interest issues have been said to only come into play when they are substantial, the difficult question is what constitutes substantiality. The differing views of the three arms of competition for example in the Walmart case is a clear indication of this difficulty. The tribunal court found issues of job losses less appealing compared to lower prices, whilst the appeal court found in favour of job losses as it considered that this was a substantial issue that needed great consideration.

The mere uncertainties of what mergers will actually achieve after their passing is also problematic. It is not known whether the behavioural and structural conditions that are often attached to mergers will really serve their purpose as in most instances they are temporary. For example behavioural conditions attached to the Walmart case not to retrench for the next two years from date of approval of the merger were not a guarantee that these jobs would remain after the period had lapsed. The temporary measures to some are not adequate remedies. There is also a criticism that the inclusion of these provisions lead to a paradox in that they are often divorced from their primary objectives of competition law and policy, for example section 12A (3) provisions prevent a merged entity from being as efficient at it otherwise would be resulting in less competition and knock on effects of higher prices and less innovation. Giving priority to the specified categories can undermine primary competitive analysis in mergers thus harming the broad public interest that competition policy aims to promote.[70]

Those in favour of the inclusion of the provisions begin by answering the question of other policies being better placed to address issues of public interest. As David Lewis put it in 2002, it is preferable to allow simultaneous consideration of competition and public interest issues by the competition authorities in analysing a merger. For[71] one authority to decide on competition grounds and another to take on the public interest decision would initiate massive lobbying and would lack the openness and transparency of the unified process. The single forum and holistic inquiry allows conditions to be imposed either to protect public interest where a procompetitive merger would otherwise be prohibited due to its negative impact on public interest, or to protect competition where an otherwise anticompetitive merger is approved due to its positive public interest effect.[72]

Another argument supporting the sentiments by Lewis is that public interest competition issues need not be handled by different authorities as this is the major source of clashes. Allowing political organisations or other public institutions to handle public interest issues may unnecessarily result in competition issues being totally ignored out of the equation. Given the power that these organisations have for example the department of trade and industry, compared to the competition authorities, this is more likely to result in competition   issues being sacrificed. It is important that policy makers or authorities applying public interest test do so in a manner which is independent from political influence.[73] Perhaps this argument find its merits in that such a practice was tried and tested before the new act was implemented and it was found out that it was not working, and also given that that power resided with an interested stakeholder, who could abuse the power to their advantage, serving a few minority.

The history of South Africa makes inclusion of public interest provisions good policy sense. Employment creation and black economic empowerment are major challenges to sustainable development in South Africa. Explicit reference to these factors is thus to be expected in a significant area of policy and law such as the competition act.[74] Lewis emphasises that in a country such as South Africa, where distributional and poverty problems are at the forefront, all social and economic policies are expected to contribute to the alleviation of these problems and competition policy is not exempt from this expectation.[75]Thus the competition act complements the government’s efforts to improve on employment issues, support promising entrepreneurs, particularly those who are from a historically disadvantaged background. Hovenkamp aptly puts it that other competing values could also be considered when looking at competition policy.[76]

Competition policy needs to address the needs of citizens of poorer societies in their capacities as producers in addition to their capacity as final consumers. While the enhancement of the purchasing power enjoyed by the final consumers is undoubtedly crucial to the goal of poverty reduction, efforts to enhance living standards particularly in developing countries will only be successful if citizens have sustainable means of earning their livelihoods and are provided with improved opportunities for participation in the local and global economies. Consequently the vigorous enforcement of competition law in relation to practices and market structures that unnecessarily raise business input cost or impede access to markets is likely to be central to the role of competition policy as a tool for poverty eradication.[77]Although there are concerns that arise from inclusion of public interest in the competition act, it would still be preferable to still include them as such concerns have successfully been remedied by the structural and behavioural conditions normally attached where public interest issues arise.

Conclusion

The application of Public Interest provisions and their resultant effects in merger review analysis is subject to controversy, given the advantages and disadvantages attached to their inclusion. Most developing countries including South Africa have explicitly made provision for their inclusion in their merger review, as it is apparent that mergers constitute a high proportion of competition activity in many jurisdictions. It is argued that the basic inclusion for public interest provisions in a competition policy is to help make the markets work for the good of the people. It is an inevitable reality that the development of a country affects its goal, and consequently competition policies of countries differ as they are tailored to meet the unique needs of each country. The definition of competition is aligned to each country’s objectives and therefore to call for a single model which would apply to all jurisdictions will be a problem. The public interest provisions in South African competition law are rightfully placed as they compete with the economic goal of economic efficiency, therefore need to be balanced whenever issues concerning mergers are concerned to effectively promote the goal of competition in the country. Until such a time that the country changes its status to become a liberal market, it is argued that such provisions cannot possibly be removed, for they have so far served their purpose as can be illustrated from decided matters.

 

 

 

 

 

Bibliography

 

Primary sources

Cases

Walmart Stores Incl & Massmart Holdings ltd 73/LM/Nov2010

Minister of Economic Development& Ors v Competition Tribunal & Ors 110/cac/Jul2011

SACCAWU v Walmart Stores Incl & Ors 111/cac/Jul2011

Statutes

Competition Act 89 of 1998

Secondary sources

Books

Herbert Hovenkamp Economics and Federal Antitrust Law (1985) West Publishing Company, Minnesota, USA

Posner Richard A Antitrust Law (2001) University of Chicago press, Chicago, USA

Whish R & Bailey D Competition Law 7ed (2012) 2

Journals

Basker Emek ‘The causes and consequences of Walmart’s growth’ (2007) Journal of economic perspective, 179

Fox, Eleanor M. ‘Economic development, poverty and antitrust: the other path.’(2006): 211 Sw. JL & Trade Am. 13

 

Fox, Eleanor M., The Efficiency Paradox (July 8, 2009). HOW THE CHICAGO SCHOOL OVERSHOT THE MARK: THE EFFECT OF CONSERVATIVE ECONOMIC ANALYSIS ON U.S. ANTITRUST, R. Pitofsky, ed., Oxford, p. 77, 2008; NYU Law and Economics Research Paper No. 09-26. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1431558

 

Fox, Eleanor M., and Michal S. Gal. ‘Drafting Competition Law for Developing Jurisdictions: Learning from Experience.’(2014) Economic Characteristics of Developing Jurisdictions: Their Implications for Competition Law, Edward Elgar (2014): 14-11.

 

Gal, Michal. ‘The ecology of antitrust preconditions for competition law enforcement in developing countries.’(2004):10 New York University Law and Economics Working Papers

 

Myeni, Wenzile. ‘Public interest and merger controls in South Africa: the role of public interest in merger evaluations and how efficiency-driven principles are reconciled with public interest considerations.’ (2008), accessed at http://uctscholar.uct.ac.za/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=1400&local_base=GEN01

 

 

Oxenham J ‘Balancing public interest merger considerations before Sub-Saharan competition jurisdictions with the quest for multijurisdictional merger control certainty’ (2012) 9 US-China Law Review, 211

Pitman Russell ‘Consumer surplus as the appropriate standard for antitrust enforcement’ (2007)3 issue 2, Competition policy International, 205

 

Roberts 1, Simon ‘The role for competition policy in economic development: the South African experience.’ (2004)Development Southern Africa 227-24

 

Reekie Duncan W ‘The competition 1998: An economic perspective’ (1999) 67 issue 2 South African Journal of Economics, 282

 

Articles

Anderson Robert D & Muller Anna C ‘Competition policy and Poverty Reduction’ accessed at http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/reser_e/ersd201302_e.pdf

Balkin Justin &Mbikiwa Michael ‘Narrow public interest can harm the common good’ accessed at http://www.bdlive.co.za/opinion/2014/03/31/narrow-public-interest-can-harm-the-common-good

Basker Emek & Van ‘Walmart as catalyst to US-China Trade accessed at SSRN:http://papers.ssm.com/abstract=987583

Baumgarten Gladys Torres ’Hakuna matata for Walmart in Africa’ (2011) Annual meeting of the academy of International business-US North East chapter, 270-271

DTI 1997 ‘Proposed guidelines for competition policy: A framework for competition, competitiveness and development’ tabled at Nedlac Pretoria: DTI

Gisela Grieger ‘Legal Aspects of contemporary International problems’ accessed at http://www.kent.ac.uk/brussels/documents/journal/2012/Gisela%20Grieger%20-%20Legal%20Aspects%20of%20Contemporary%20International%20Problems.pdf

Hodge James, Goga Shaista& Tshepiso Moahloli ‘Public Interest provisions in the South African competition Act: A critical review’ (2009) Competition Policy, Law and Economics conference

Alex Kububa ‘Issues in market dominance: Merger control in Zimbabwe’ accessed at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTCOMPLEGALDB/Resources/AlexKukuba.pdf

Competition policy response to state intervention: A competition practitioner’s perspective on Industrial policy action plan 5. Accessed at http://www.dti.gov.za/parliament/2014/IPAP_AR2014.pdf

Lewis David ‘Role of public interest in merger evaluation’ (2002) paper presented to ICN, Naples, accessed at http://www.comptrib.co.za/assets/Uploads/Speeches/lewis5.pdf

Vincent Matinde, accessed at www.humanipo.com/news/4610/walmart-introduces-online-shop-to-empower-female-entrepreneurs-in-africa/, 14/03/2013

 

OECD (2013) Competition and Poverty Eradication, accessed at http://www.oecd.org/daf/competition/competition-and-poverty-reduction2013.pdf

Scott A ‘Evolution of competition law and policy in the UK’ (2009) London school of economics: Law, society and economy working papers 9/2009

Smith Patrick & Swan Andrew ‘Africa: Public interest factors in competition decisions’ (2004) Global competition Review, The African and Middle Eastern Antitrust Review, accessed at http://globalcompetitionreview.com/reviews/59/sections/204/chapters/2304/africa-public-interest-factors-competition-decisions/

Walmart boost for SA wine exports, accessed at www.southafrica.info/business/trade/export/wine-100913.htm#.VDZ64BaF-2k-SouthAfrica.info

Walmart foundation shows support for the 94+ schools project for Madiba, accessed at www.massmart.co.za/press/walmart-foundation-shows-support-94-

Public interest issues in competition analysis, accessed at www.cuts-international.org/pdf/CCIER-5-2008.PDF

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[1] R Whish& D Bailey Competition law 7ed(2012), 2

[2] Ibid

[3] Pitman’ Consumer surplus as the appropriate standard for antitrust enforcement’ (2007) 3 issue 2 Competition policy international 205

[4] Odudu’ The distributional consequences of antitrust’ in Marsden (ed) Handbook of research in Trans-Atlantic Antitrust(Edward Edgar 2007) chapter 23

[5] DTI, 1997’ Proposed guidelines for competition policy: A framework for competition, competitiveness and development’ tabled at Nedlac Pretoria: DTI

[6] Ibid

[7] Simon Roberts ‘The role of competition policy in economic development: The South African experience’ (2004)21 issue 1 Development Southern Africa- Taylor & Francis

[8] Ibid

[9] Competition Act 1998

[10] Eleanor M Fox ‘Economic development, poverty and antitrust: The other path’, (2007) New York school of law, New York Public Law and Legal Theory 225

[11] E Fox& M S Gal’ Drafting Competition Law for Developing Jurisdictions: Learning from experience’(2014)Law and Economic research paper series, working paper no. 14-11, 33

[12] Ibid

[13] OECD (2013) Competition and poverty eradication

[14] M Gal’ The ecology of Antitrust preconditions for competition law enforcement in developing countries (2003) in competitiveness in small market economies, Havard University Press

[15] Fox&Gal op cit (n8), 44

[16] Ibid

[17] E Fox ‘Economic development. Poverty and Antitrust: The other path’ (2007) South Western Journal of Law 13, 211

[18] EM Fox The efficiency paradox accessed at <http://papers.ssm.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=14315588&rec=1&srcabs=1075265&gt;

[19] Fox (op cit n10) 224

[20] J Oxenham ‘Balancing public interest merger considerations before sub-Saharan African competition jurisdictions with the quest for multijurisdictional merger control certainty’ (2012) Us- China law review vol 9, 211

[21] Ibid

[22] P Smith & A Swan ‘Africa : Public Interest factors in competition decisions’ (2014) Global competition review, The African and Middle Eastern Antitrust Review

[23] A Kububa’ Issues in market dominance:Mergercontrol In Zimbabwe’, (2004) Regional conference on competition policy, competitiveness and investment in a global economy – Dar-es-salaam, Tanzania, 10/12/04

[24] Ibid, 7-8

[25] Kububa op cit (n23), 5-6

[26] Ibid,4-5

[27] P Wang & Y Zhang & S Evrards’ Chinese enforcement against abuse of dominance ramps up’ (2012) Competition policy international antitrust column, vol1(3)

[28] A Scott ‘Evolution of competition law and policy in the United Kingdom’ (2009) London school of Economics: Law, society and economy working papers 9/2009

[29] RA Posner ‘Antitrust law’ (2001) University of Chicago press, Chicago, USA

[30] James Hodge, Sha’ista Goga&Tshepiso Moahloli ‘Public interest provisions in the South African Competition Act: A critical review’

[31] South African competition Act 89/1998

[32] W Duncan Reekie ‘The competition Act 1998:An economic perspective’ (1999) 67 issue 2 South African Journal of Economics 282

[33] South Africa competition act 89/1998, s12A (3)

[34] Walmart stores Inc. and Massmart Holdings ltd case no. 73/LM/Nov10

[35] Ibid

[36] Ibid

[37] Christopher Wood & Lesley Wood ‘Foreign direct investment in South Africa: Promotion and protection of investors… and the public interest’ accessed at http://www.thrtradebeat.com/opinion-analysis/fdi-in-south-african-promotion-and-protection-of-investors-and-the-public-interest

[38] Competition policy response to state intervention: A competition practitioner’ perspective on industrial policy action plan 5, accessed at www.compcom.co.za/assets/Uploads/..., pg 14

[39] Ibid

[40] Emek Basker ‘The causes and consequences of Walmart’s growth’ Journal of economic perspective, 179

[41] Ibid

[42] Ibid, 187-188

[43] Basker op cit(n23) 190-191

[44] [44] E Basker and Van Walmart as catalyst to US- China trade accessed at SSRN: http:// papers.ssm.com/abstract=987583

 

[45] Walmart stores Inc. and Massmart Holdings ltd case no. 73/LM/Nov10

[46] Ibid

[47] Ibid

[48] Minister of economic development& ors v Competition tribunal&ors, SACCAWU v Walmart stores Inc. & ors 110/CAC/Jul2011, 111/CAC/Jun11 (2012)1 competition law report 6(CAC)

 

[49] Ibid

[50] Ibid, 43

[51] Ibid

[52] Ibid

[53] Christopher Wood&Lesley Wentworth ‘Foreign Direct Investment in South Africa: Promotion and protection of investors…and the public interest’, accessed at http://www.thetradebeat.co./opinion-analysis/fdi-in-south-africapromotion-and-protection-of-investors-and-the-public-interest

[54] Gisela Grieger ‘Legal aspects of contemporary international problems’, accessed at www.kent.ac.uk/brussels/documents/journal 2012/Gisela Grieger – Legal Aspects Of Contemporary International Problems.pdf

[55] Ibid

[56] Ibid

[57] Gladys Torres Baumgarten ‘Hakuna Matata for Walmart in Africa?’ (2011) Annual meeting of the academy of international business – US North East Chapter) 270-271

[58] Ibid

[59] King III Code of Corporate Governance

[60] Ibid

[61] Ibid

[62] www.southafrica.info/business/trade/export/wine-100913.htm#.VDZ64BaF-2k-SouthAfrica.info, accessed on 10/11/13

[63] Ibid

[64] Walmart commercialises the local supply chain: A step in the right direction? Accessed at www.consultancy Africa.com/Index.php?option

[65] http://www.massmart.co.za/press/walmart-foundation-shows-support-94-

[66] Vincent Matinde, accessed at www.humanipo.com/news/4610/walmart-introduces-online-shop-to-empower-female-entrepreneurs-in-africa/, 14/03/2013

[67]Duncan op cit (n27) 253

[68] Ibid

[69] Ibid

[70] Justin Balkin& Michael Mbikiwa

[71] David Lewis ‘Role of public interest in merger evaluation’. Paper presented to ICN, Naples 28-29 September 2002

[72] Ibid

[73] http://www.cuts-international.org/pdf/CCIER-5-2008.PDF

[74] Wenzile Myeni ‘Public interest and merger controls in South Africa’

[75] Lewis op cit (n52)

[76] Hovenkamp ‘Economics and federal antitrust law’ (1985) West publishing company, Minnesota, USA

 

[77] Robert D Anderson& Anna C Muller World Trade Organisation 20-02-13. Economic research and statistics division

Meet the Enforcers: COMESA’s Rajeev Hasnah, 1st in exclusive AAT interview series

meet the enforcers

New AAT interview series highlights individual African competition enforcers

In the first instalment of our new Meet the Enforcers series, we speak with Rajeev Hasnah, CFA, who is a sitting Commissioner of the COMESA Competition Commission.  In our exclusive interview, we discuss the CCC’s merger review practice, its revised Guidelines, young history and achievements, and seek practitioner guidance.


Rajeev Hasnah, CFA
You are an economist by training and currently a sitting COMESA Competition Commissioner.  As the young agency is about to celebrate its 2nd anniversary, what do you consider to be the CCC’s biggest achievement to date?
According to me, it is the fact that the CCC is effectively enforcing the COMESA Competition Regulations since it started operating in January 2013.  It is indeed a commendable achievement given that the current Board of Commissioners sworn-in in October 2011.  In 2012, the CCC worked on the drafting of the guidelines, in consultation with various stakeholders, and under the advice of other competition experts.
The institution also established a good working relationship with national authorities across COMESA and beyond, and proved its credibility and effectiveness as a regional competition authority within the business and legal communities globally.  The rather high number of merger notifications with a COMESA dimension already adjudicated to-date (around 50) is testimony to the success of the CCC being an effective competition law enforcer in its still early days.
Comparing the CCC merger review in practice with that of other competition enforcement agencies worldwide, where do you see the key differences?
Nowadays it is getting harder to talk about differences in any field of economic activity in this increasingly globalised world.  In my view, the key principles and the application of the Competition Law in the COMESA region do not differ significantly either from that of the national authorities or other major jurisdictions across the globe.  The assessment of “substantial lessening of competition” as the underlying fundamental test in merger reviews is at the core of the evaluation conducted by the CCC as well.
Does the multi-national nature of the CCC (akin to the European Commission) make the substantive work more difficult?
It is definitely not an easy feat to enforce the COMESA Competition Regulations across 19 different countries, each with its own economic, legal and cultural environments.  Yet, under the leadership of the current Chairman, Alex Kububa and Director/CEO of the CCC, George Lipimile, a good working relationship and collaboration has been established with the different national authorities across the COMESA region, which facilitates an effective enforcement of the Competition Regulations.   This also ensures that the CCC has a good perspective of the individual local realities, which is no doubt a key element to assess the impact on competition at the regional level.
What prompted the re-drafting of the CCC Merger Guidelines, and why was the indirect path of an administrative guidelines interpretation of the verb “to operate” chosen to elevate the review thresholds, as opposed to increasing the thresholds in the underlying Rules themselves?
It is not uncommon that an authority reviews its guidelines as it gains experience in enforcing the law.  Any changes or further clarifications are geared toward ensuring that the business and legal communities as well as competition economics experts have a good understanding of how the Regulations are enforced by the CCC.  This indeed shows that the CCC stands ready to ensure an improved clarity of its enforcement of the Competition Regulations among its key stakeholders.
The relevant paragraphs defining the verb “to operate” in the Merger Guidelines, should not be construed as a review of the merger notification thresholds per se.  The latter has its own procedures regarding any likely review.  The definition in the Merger Guidelines is rather to ascertain whether the said undertaking is construed to be effectively operating in a Member State or not.
Do you have advice for African practitioners counselling their clients on whether or not to notify a merger to the CCC?
Taking into consideration the rise in the enactment and enforcement of a competition policy regime across various jurisdictions and at the level of regional trading blocs as well, one can safely say that a competition authority is here to stay and to enforce the law as prescribed.
One of the key considerations in doing business is a proper assessment of the risks the undertaking faces or could potentially face and the implementation of a suitable actionplan to deal with these risks.  I believe that non-notification of a notifiable COMESA dimension merger to the CCC should not be construed as carrying a low probability of being detected by the CCC and certainly not a low impact one for the undertaking.
What is your view about the elevation of non-competition assessments above those of pure competition tests in merger review?  Is it good for the adjudication of competition matters generally?
Some jurisdictions consider public interests as important, while some don’t.  This is normally provided for or not in the respective laws, and whichever is the case, as adjudicators, we need to follow what is prescribed in the Regulations.
It is also important to note that in practice, the enforcement of competition law can be defined as being the conduct of economic analysis within a legal framework.  Both the economic analysis and legal framework evolve accordingly in line with the development of the jurisdiction’s economy.  We can take the examples of more mature competition policy regimes which started with the consideration of non-competition issues in merger review, to then afterwards moving to assessing only competition matters.  As such, each jurisdiction has its own specificities that it needs to take into consideration, though these are bound to evolve with time.
By way of background, how did you get into antitrust/competition law & economics?
I am an economist and a Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA) by training, and prior to joining the antitrust world I was an investment professional.  Four years ago I had the choice between acquiring experience in private equity or joining the nascent competition law enforcement team of the Competition Commission of Mauritius as its Chief Economist/Deputy Executive Director, working with the then Executive Director, John Davies.  I chose the latter for its excellent combination of applied microeconomics and law.
What was the path that took you to working for competition enforcement agencies?
I started as a macroeconomist working in London for an economic consultancy firm in the city, where I was advising traders and asset managers.  I then moved on to financial investing in an investment management firm and to corporate finance in one of the largest conglomerates in Mauritius.  So I came to the antitrust world as a business/investment practitioner with a strong background and experience in applied economic and financial analysis.
Having seen the world from the private sector side, I acquired an edge in the application of competition economics in my previous role as a Chief Economist/Deputy Executive Director and as a current Commissioner at the COMESA Competition Commission.
What skills would you encourage regional African practitioners focus on for purposes of developing antitrust advocacy in the COMESA region?
Having previously led the Competition Culture project for the International Competition Network (ICN) Advocacy Working Group (AWG), I am now one of the strong proponents of the importance of advocacy to develop and maintain a strong competition culture within society.
Ensuring that advocacy activities are properly designed and tailored to meet the requirements of the target group is crucial.  Equally important is to ability to communicate in a very simple and easy to understand language, adapted to meeting the target audience’s expectations.
Thank you, Mr. Hasnah.

Unfair competitors or clever innovators? Lessons from the sharing economy.

new multi-part seriesInnovators face unfair competition claims

Our AAT multi-part series on innovation & antitrust is being continued by Professor Sofia Ranchordás. The AAT author just published a new paper on the ubiquitous “Sharing Economy” we are witnessing not only in the United States and Europe but also on the African continent (UBER has seen significant successes in Johannesburg and Cape Town, for instance).

Below is the abstract — for the full 45-page PDF article, to be published in the Minnesota Journal of Law, Science and Technology please go to SSRN here.

Sharing economy practices have become increasingly popular in the past years. From swapping systems, network transportation to private kitchens, sharing with strangers appears to be the new urban trend. Although Uber, Airbnb, and other online platforms have democratized the access to a number of services and facilities, multiple concerns have been raised as to the public safety, health and limited liability of these sharing economy practices. In addition, these innovative activities have been contested by professionals offering similar services that claim that sharing economy is opening the door to unfair competition. Regulators are at crossroads: on the one hand, innovation in sharing economy should not be stifled by excessive and outdated regulation; on the other, there is a real need to protect the users of these services from fraud, liability and unskilled service providers. This dilemma is far more complex than it seems since regulators are confronted here with an array of challenging questions: firstly, can these sharing economy practices be qualified as “innovations” worth protecting and encouraging? Secondly, should the regulation of these practices serve the same goals as the existing rules for the equivalent commercial services (e.g. taxi regulations)? Thirdly, how can regulation keep up with the evolving nature of these innovative practices? All these questions, come down to one simple problem: too little is known about the most socially effective ways of consistently regulating and promoting innovation. The solution of these problems implies analyzing two fields of study which still seem to be at an embryonic stage in the legal literature: the study of sharing economy practices and the relationship between innovation and law in this area. In this article, I analyze the challenges of regulating sharing economy from an ‘innovation law perspective’, i.e., I qualify these practices as innovations that should not be stifled by regulations but should not be left unregulated either. I start at an abstract level by defining the concept of innovation and explaining it characteristics. The “innovation law” perspective adopted in this article to analyze sharing economy implies an overreaching study of the relationship between law and innovation. This perspective elects innovation as the ultimate policy and regulatory goal and defends that law should be shaped according to this goal. In this context, I examine the multiple features of the innovation process in the specific case of sharing economy and the role played by different fields of law. Electing innovation as the ultimate policy target may however be devoid of meaning in a world where law is expected to pursue many other — and often conflicting — values. In this article, I examine the challenges of regulating innovation from the lens of sharing economy. This field offers us a solid case study to explore the concept of “innovation”, think about how regulators should look at the innovation process, how inadequate rules may have a negative impact on innovation, and how regulators should fine tune regulations to ensure that the advancement of innovation is balanced with other values such as public health or safety. I argue that the regulation of innovative sharing economy practices requires regulatory “openness”: less, but broader rules that do not stifle innovation while imposing a minimum of legal requirements that take into account the characteristics of innovative sharing economy practices, but that are open for future developments.

#antitrustInnovation: Innovation crossing regulatory borders

new multi-part series

A continuation in our AAT multi-part series on innovation & antitrust as a thematic collection focusing on the concept of innovation markets and how competition and IP laws are able to address the, by definition, novel issues that arise.

By Sofia Ranchordás

In previous posts on the topic of Antitrust & Innovation, we discussed the definition of innovation, its relative character, and the role of regulation in its regulation and advancement, notably in developing countries. In Africa, the lack of a solid regulatory framework may, on the one hand, discourage foreign direct investment, and on the other, fail to stimulate local innovators to invent. However, there are more challenges regarding the advancement of innovation that are impeding a more effective ‘regulation of innovation’. In this short article, attention is paid to the regulatory borders that innovation seems to be crossing at the moment. The next installment shall be focused on two regulatory instruments that might facilitate the regulation of innovation in the dark, not only in Africa but also in other countries.

Democratizing access to finance

The regulation of innovation should start out with understanding the innovation process and its characteristics, notably its uncertain character; the need for diversity, sector-specificity, the complex access to finance, openness to changes and flexibility. An innovation-friendly environment does not exist in most African countries. The lack of flexible rules and the often somewhat inflexible interpretation of existing legal concepts are not helping either. While governments praise innovation as the highest salvation in times of crisis, the list of regulatory obstacles to innovation does not appear to be tackled. This is the case of the poor availability of finance for innovators, insufficient cooperation between public and private parties, or excessive regulation and outdated regulations and procedures.

Think about ‘kickstarter’: while there are already numerous crowdfunding projects supporting startups and non-profit projects in Africa, it is not easy for an African innovator to create this type of crowdfunding accounts from his/her own country and attract anonymous angels. In the case of ‘kickstarter’—one of the platforms with more visibility—this might even be limited to a number of countries (e.g. United States, New Zealand, Australia…) and be subject to specific requirements (e.g. permanent residence).

But what if you do not have a broad network and cannot contact someone reliable in one of those countries? I was recently contacted by a designer from Portugal who had developed an innovative device, but could not create a kickstarter account because he lives in one of the countries where you are not allowed to join this form of crowdfunding (www.dapowa.com). The same would apply to an innovator from an African country, only this one could probably be in a position where he would not even know anyone who would be willing to share his story with you.

There are multiple platforms of crowdfunding that are available worldwide, but the point that I would like to make is that regulators should start paying more attention to this form of democratization of finance. There are obviously risks and controversies behind crowdfunding, but, in a time when we need so much innovation, isn’t it about time we stop adopting an all-or-nothing perspective and rethink the regulatory framework of access to finance? Laissez-faire is not an option, certainly not in the case of finance. Shouldn’t developing countries have more flexible structures allowing their innovators—with properly developed business plans but with a limited social network—to improve access to finance? Funding projects should not necessarily be seen as a mere form of charity. It is a form of philanthropy that should be regarded as a stepping stone for the development of African economies and a complement to foreign direct investment.

Crowdfunding is simply one of the innovations that is putting regulation to the test and making us question the interpretation of existing legal concepts and institutions. Other examples—still less common in Africa—are present in the case of ‘share economy’ (e.g., Uber, Lyft, Airbnb). While ‘share economy’ and crowdfunding are innovative and valuable ideas, they bring along a number of serious risks for consumers (e.g. how many Airbnb houses comply with fire safety regulations? Will the money invested be used for the due purposes?). A ‘laissez faire’ approach might not be enough to conquer the trust of risk-averse consumers, but a stringent regulation of these new forms of democratization of access to finance and facilities will not either.

In this short article, we pose mere questions and alert for the need to think about regulatory solutions for the described democratization. Self-regulation, soft law and experimental regulations might be options to explore. The first step is however to start thinking about this topic, questioning the need for more transparency, and the need for rules. Crowdfunding and share economy will work while they are based on the bona fides of users. However, one incident might be enough to put an end to it all. Rules are created for a purpose and today’s challenge is to make sure that, on the one hand, ‘too much [law] will not kill [innovation]’, ‘if regulators can’ t make up their minds’ and, on the other, ‘too little law’ does not ‘leave [innovation] behind’.