Slow-going M&A statistics in COMESA before anticipated threshold revision

COMESA Competition Commission logo

Strong numbers from early 2014 did not hold up

After posting a record three merger notifications in January, the COMESA Competition Commission has seen its M&A filing statistics decline to zero in February and merely one in March.

As we have reported here (optimistic for 2014) and here (pessimistic on 2013 statistics), COMESA’s notified M&A deals have seen erratic ups & downs.  Not surprising, perhaps, if one considers the exquisite confusion that has reigned since the inception of the young antitrust authority about filing thresholds and fees.

The current ebb in notified deals (despite the record set in January) reflects, in our view, the impending end of the current “zero-threshold” regime in COMESA, which was foreshadowed by The CCC’s head of mergers, Willard Mwemba, back in late February 2014.  Quite understandably, parties to ongoing transactions are willing to risk “flying under the radar” if the agency has de facto admitted that the zero-dollar filing threshold is unworkable in practice.

We are curious to see what impact the vacuum of the pending revision to the COMESA merger rules will have on filing statistics going forward, until a more sensible threshold is set by the agency.  For now, with the latest notification #4/2014 (fertilizer and industrial products acquisition by Yara International ASA of OFD Holdings Inc.*) the stats look like this:

* we note that in the notice, the CCC erroneously set the deadline for public comment prior to the notice date itself, namely as “Friday, 28th February, 2014.”

competition law antitrust Africa
COMESA CCC M&A filing statistics as of March 2014

The end of the zero-threshold contagion?

COMESA Competition Commission logo

COMESA Competition Commission‘s head of mergers foreshadows end of zero-threshold regime

Will the Commission soon find a cure to the contagion that has made the agency’s merger control the subject of heavy criticism by antitrust practitioners and and even ridicule by fellow enforcers? Willard Mwemba claims the agency has – after over a year of operating under the zero-threshold rule – “set the wheels in motion for the threshold to be raised.”  The Commission is reportedly working with the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation to determine what the proper notification thresholds should be.

We previously had this to say in November of last year:

[T]he dual dilemma of the “zero-threshold contagion” and the inordinately high filing fees currently affecting the CCC’s merger-control regime (and resulting in rather low merger-notification statistics of less than one per month) will continue to hamper the young agency and its customers for the foreseeable near-term future.

Depending on how swiftly the agency and its advisors at the IFC get things done – and the amendments actually get approved – it appears that our timing forecast was fairly accurate  (“COMESA merger rules to change in April 2014 at the earliest“).

Innovation, competition and IP in developing countries: convergence or customization?

Innovation, competition and IP in developing countries: convergence or customization?

Advance africanantitrust.com publication of working paper

By: Sofia Ranchordás (Tilburg Univ. Law School)

new multi-part series
new multi-part series on Innovation & Antitrust

Innovation: a path to long-term economic growth,[1]hope for economic recovery,[2] and a vital opportunity for economies in developing countries.[3] Innovation is the Holy Grail we would all like drink from. Individuals dedicate their lives to its pursuit, governments invest significant amounts of money in R&D, but despite decades of research on ‘the wealth of nations’, we remain with a poor perception of innovation as a ‘complex and mysterious phenomenon’[4] that should be stimulated, although no one knows very well how.[5]

Government intervention in itself is insufficient and it might rather have costly results, if incorrectly targeted.[6] This is particularly true when it comes to the inevitable relationship between legal conditions and innovation since the lack of an effective legal framework is in the poorest countries the main obstacle to innovation and consequently to economic growth.[7] In this context, during many years, law was simply told to stay away and admire it from a distance to avoid impeding innovation. However, beyond laboratories, laborious inventions and serendipitous discoveries, law can play a greater role than a mere walk-on in the ‘innovation film’. In fact, law can act as a ‘brakeman’ or ‘a driver’ of innovation.[8] Competition and IP law have been competing for the supporting role of ‘drivers of innovation’. Here this ‘innovation film’ does not take place in the EU or in the US, but in developing countries trying to promote domestic innovation while adopting competition laws and being forced to respect IP rights that incentivize innovation in the Western world. In such context, and before the audition starts, five questions must be posed: (i) What is innovation and what type of innovation do governments aim to promote? (ii) Should and can law in general interfere in the regulation of innovation? (iii) How can competition law play a role in the promotion of innovation? (iv) Should competition law not remain in the shadow of Intellectual Property (IP’) laws that are already designed to provide innovators with incentives or should it be the other way around? (v) Last but not the least, in the context of the problematic trichotomy antitrust/IP/innovation, should a customized approach be conceived for developing countries characterized by different socioeconomic conditions or should one plea for convergence?

In this article (and subsequently, expanded paper), I reflect upon the role of law, and particularly competition laws, in the promotion of innovation in developing countries and the problematic relationship between IP, competition laws and innovation. Up until now, (competition) law’s potential to drive innovation has been either closely associated with patent law[9] or analyzed on a mere casuistic basis in the setting of specific antitrust or mergers cases.[10] However, the enforcement of competition laws against unlawful monopolizing conduct plays in general an undeniable role in the promotion of innovation.[11] Competition law promotes innovation by removing barriers to freedom of choice, trade and market access and prevents the formation of monopolies or conditions in the marketplace susceptible of stifling the development of new products. This implies however analyzing the connection between the market structure and the ability to influence undertakings to innovate:[12] while in some cases, a large number of companies on the market may slow down innovation, in others, the lack of competitive pressure may reduce the incentives to innovate (e.g. international market of derived financial products).[13]

Although the debate on the promotion of innovation has been restricted to developed countries, the promotion of innovation is equally vital for developing countries, notably in Africa.[14] These countries are looking up to the EU and US and trying to adopt similar competition laws and policies.[15] What’s more, a number of developing countries have been deriving their antitrust legal frameworks from Western countries, as a result of trade agreements. Globalization appears to push developing countries in the sense of convergence, but is this tendency beneficial for these countries quest for innovation? Absolute convergence of antitrust enforcement might not suit the current economic stage of most developing countries, particularly in Africa. A ‘Western’ design of antitrust laws and policies might not fit the socioeconomic conditions of these countries. This might be particularly problematic when governments are struggling to promote local innovation but face inevitable IP constraints.

Reconciling the difficult relationship between antitrust and patent law can be particularly complex in African countries since patent policy has a significant impact on development. Although one might at first think that developing countries should emphasize patent policy, as they are considerably behind the global technological frontier and are craving domestic innovation, they cannot afford the short-term consumer welfare loss that must be incurred to generate patentee reward.[16] Some African countries like South Africa have been developing a solid IP regulatory framework so as to incentivize innovation,[17] but many lack the technological and financial capacity to invest in R&D. In such cases, access to protected technologies on reasonable terms may be the key to more domestic innovation. What does this mean for the trichotomy innovation-IP-competition? Although developing countries urgently require innovation,[18] should their competition authorities look less up to Western models and rather question whether they should sacrifice consumer welfare by upholding patent exploitation practices?

Instead of pushing developing countries toward convergence of global competition policy, the specific socioeconomic conditions of these countries should be taken into consideration. Thomas Cheng argues, rightly so one might say, that ‘antitrust principles and doctrines need to be tailored to domestic economic circumstances. Markets and economies function differently in developing countries and antitrust laws should reflect these differences.[19] This is a particularly important lesson for African countries as they are prone to imitate the approaches of developed countries without the required customization. Different suggestions have been advanced in the literature, such as the reduction of patent protection in developing countries, allowing even the imitation of foreign technology so that domestic innovators possess a technological basis they can further develop,[20] or the expansion of compulsory licensing beyond certain drugs for developing countries.[21]

This contribution aimed to draw attention to the challenging role of law as the driver (or at least guardian) of innovation in developing countries. Competition and IP laws both wish to share a supporting role in this ‘innovation film’ taking place in developing countries. Should they be granted this part in a context of convergence of laws and policies or should IP remain in the shadow in order to ensure that the innovation film can successfully be produced and released in the theaters? You decide who gets the part at this audition; however, recalling Eleanor Fox’ words ‘antitrust should not be used to protect David from Goliath, but it may be used to empower David against Goliath’.[22]

To be continued…


[1] Richard S. Whitt, ‘Adaptive Policymaking: Evolving and Applying Emergent Solutions for U.S. Communications Policy’ (2009) 61(3) Federal Communications Law Journal 485.

[2] BERR, ‘Regulation and Innovation: evidence and policy implications’, BERR Economics Paper No.4, 2008, iv.

[3] Jean-Eric Aubert, ‘Promoting Innovation in Developing Countries: A Conceptual Framework’ (2004) World Bank Institute, available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/KFDLP/Resources/0-3097AubertPaper[1].pdf

[4] D. Augey, ‘Les mystères de l’innovation: le regard contemporain de l’économie et de la gestion’ (2013) In J. Mestre, & L. Merland, Droit et Innovation (Aix-en-Provence: Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille) 89, 91.

[5] Joshua D. Sarnoff, ‘Government choices in Innovation Funding (with Reference to Climate Change)’ (2013) 62 Emory Law Journal, 1087.

[6] B. Frischmann, ‘Innovation and Institutions: Rethinking the Economics of U.S. Science and Technology Policy’ (2000) 24 Vermont Law Review, 347.

[7] Robert Cooter, ‘Innovation, Information, and the Poverty of Nations’ (2005) 33 Florida State University Law Review 373.

[8] W. Hoffmann-Riem, ‘Zur Notwendigkeit rechtswissenschaftlicher Innovationsforschung’, in D. Sauer, Christa Lang (Eds.), Paradoxien der Innovation: Perspektiven sozialwissenschaftlicher Innovationsforschung (Campus Verlag 1999). Wolfgang Hoffmann-Riem, ‘Rechtswissenschaftliche Innovationsforschung als Reaktion auf gesellschaftlichen Innovationsbedarf’, überarbeite Fassung eines Vortrages aus Anlass der Überreichung der Universitätsmedaille am 19.12.2000 in Hamburg, available at <http://www2.jura.uni-hamburg.de/ceri/publ/download01.PDF>.

[9] Atari Games Corp. v. Nintendo of Am., Inc., 897 F.2d 1572, 1576 (Fed. Cir. 1990). See Christine A. Varney, ‘Promoting Innovation Through Patent and Antitrust Law and Policy’ (2010), Department of Justice, Remarks as Prepared for the Joint Workshop of the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office, the Federal Trade Commission, and the Department of Justice on the Intersection of Patent Policy and Competition Policy: Implications for Promoting Innovation, available at http://www.justice.gov/atr/public/speeches/260101.pdf.

[10] David Bosco, Marie Cartapanis, ‘Droit de la concurrence et innovation’ (2013) in Jacques Mestre, Laure Merland (Eds.), Droit et Innovation (Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille), 69. Pierre Larouche, ‘The European Microsoft Case at the Crossroads of Competition Policy and Innovation’ (2009) 75 (3) Antitrust Law Journal 933. François Lévêque, ‘Innovation, Leveraging and Essential Facilitaties: Interoperability Licensing in the EU Microsoft Case’ (2005) 28 World Competition 71.

[11] Douglas Rosenthal, ‘Do Intellectual Property Laws Promote Competition & Innovation?’ (2006) 7 Sedona Conference Journal 143.

[12] David Bosco, Marie Cartapanis, ‘Droit de la concurrence et innovation’ (2013) in Jacques Mestre, Laure Merland (Eds.), Droit et Innovation (Presses Universitaires d’Aix-Marseille), 69.

[13] COMP/M.6166, NYSE Euronext / Deutsche Börse.

[14] Smita Srinivas, Judith Sutz, ‘Developing countries and innovation: Searching for a new analytical approach’(2008) 30 Technology in Society 129.

[15] Thomas K. Cheng, ‘A Developmental Approach to the Patent-Antitrust Interface’ (2012) 33 Northwestern Journal of International Law and Business 1.

[16] Thomas K. Cheng, ‘A Developmental Approach to the Patent-Antitrust Interface’ (2012) 33 Northwestern Journal of International Law and Business 1, 3.

[17] Alexis Apostolidis, ‘IP Law in South Africa: Key Cases and Issues’ (2009) ASPATORE WL 2029096.

[18] There is a significant body of literature arguing that IP does not necessarily promote innovation. For an overview, see, e.g., B. Frischmann, ‘Innovation and Institutions: Rethinking the Economics of U.S. Science and Technology Policy’ (2000) 24 Vermont Law Review, 347. Julie E. Cohen, ‘Copyright, Creativity, Catalogs: Creativity and Culture in Copyright Theory’ (2007) 40 U.C. Davis L. Review 1151.

[19] Thomas K. Cheng, ‘A Developmental Approach to the Patent-Antitrust Interface’ (2012) 33 Northwestern Journal of International Law and Business 1’, 79.

[20] Thomas K. Cheng, ‘A Developmental Approach to the Patent-Antitrust Interface’ (2012) 33 Northwestern Journal of International Law and Business 1’, 4.

[21] Colleen Chien, ‘ Cheap Drugs at What Price to Innovation: Does the Compulsory Licensing of Pharmaceuticals Hurt Innovation?’ (2003) 18 Berkeley Technology Law Journal 853.

[22] Eleanor M. Fox, ‘ Economic development, Poverty and Antitrust: the Other Path’ (2007) 13 Southwestern Journal of Law and Trade in the Americas 211.

Competition policy: economic necessity vs. budgetary constraint

Prof. Flavien TCHAPGA (Versailles)
Prof. Flavien TCHAPGA (Versailles)

Competition policy: economic necessity vs. budgetary constraint

Professor Flavien TCHAPGA (Economics, University of Versailles, France) published an intriguing paper on developing effective competition policies in Africa and on the inherent tension this effort faces: their economic necessity on one hand vs. the realpolitik of budgetary constraints on the other hand.  His analysis — available in full PDF to our valued [francophone] readers here — focuses on the member countries of CEMAC and WAEMU.

Abstract:

Because of the promises of efficient markets (protection of consumer interests, reduction of poverty, innovation and economic dynamism), competition policy is an attractive issue for Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) and West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) countries. However, appropriate financial resources are essential for its effectiveness. This paper assesses the competition policy implementation in these two regions. In particular, it focuses on the balance between the issues at stake and dedicated financial resources since this could signal governments’ commitment to ensure effective implementation of competition legislation for better market outcomes.

NOTE: This article was originally published in HORIZONS / Concurrences Law Journal (vol. 01-2013) Institute of Competition Law, re-published here under author’s licence.  Original title (in French): “La politique de la concurrence dans la CEMAC et l’UEMOA  : Entre urgences économiques et contraintes budgétaires

Due process arguments come to the fore as the Botswana Competition Authority gears itself for enforcement

By Mark Griffiths (@markgjhb) and Wiri Gumbie

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In September and October, the Botswana Competition Commission (Commission) took its first two rulings on cartel enforcement. Both rulings have a keen (if not almost exhaustive) focus on due process. Given that due process arguments have tended to be prominent only after a wave of cartel enforcement in more established jurisdictions, the cases demonstrate how developing competition jurisdictions are setting their own learning curves by absorbing the lessons from elsewhere.

Having been set up in 2011, the Botswana Competition Authority (Authority) has been primarily active in merger control and has taken a number of prominent decisions, in particular, on the issue of the relevance and scope of public interest considerations in merger control decisions. Unlike other young authorities across the Africa continent, the Authority has also been keen to pursue cartel enforcement as a priority area. While it has undertaken a number of dawn raids in a range of sectors and is in the final stages of adopting a leniency programme, the Authority is only now taken its first steps to establish a clear enforcement record with alleged cartels in the public procurement of food rations and also the panel beating sector.

The first ruling concerns alleged bid-rigging in relation to the supply of food rations to the Botswana government. Super Trading, a food supplier, provided the Authority with details of how one of its directors allegedly provided its competitor,Ya Raheem, with commercially sensitive information which enabled Ya Raheem to win tenders during a sustained period. Following a raid by the Authority, Ya Raheem opted to settle with the Authority and admitted to bid rigging as well as providing details of its involvement.

Notwithstanding Ya Raheem’s admission, on 17 September 2013, the Commission refused to confirm the settlement on the basis that it considered that the Authority had failed to provide any evidence of Ya Raheem’s involvement in the alleged bid rigging. Evidence of payments allegedly received by Super Trading’s director from Ya Raheem did not, in the Commission’s opinion, substantiate any finding of an agreement between competitors. To put it mildly, the Commission was scathing of the Authority’s approach regarding the lack of evidential or material information. Moreover, the Commission dismissed the significance of the joint undertaking between the Authority and Ya Raheem, labeling it “as simply a report that did little to cure the defects in the main application…”

The key question arising from the Commission’s ruling is whether or not due process requires additional evidence (over and above an admission) to support a settlement in a cartel case? Given that Ya Raheem’s involvement in bid rigging was not in dispute, was it necessary for the Commission to insist on further evidence? Moreover, given that Ya Raheemadmitted to and gave details of its involvement in the alleged bid rigging as part of its settlement with the Authority, it is not clear what additional evidence the Commission required to satisfy itself that alleged bid rigging had taken place.

One would expect that an undertaking with a clear statement of the facts and nature of the offence would have satisfied the procedural requirements of the South African settlement procedure, a pertinent observation given the Commission’s reliance on South African precedent on the treatment of evidence in this case.

It could be questioned whether the Commission’s implicitly categorized the settlement as a ‘contested’ proceeding (as opposed to an ‘uncontested’ consent order), which would have inevitably led them to require the Authority to provide sufficient evidence of Ya Raheem’s involvement in bid rigging. Should the significance of this ruling be dismissed asa teething problem regarding the first settlement procedure or does it reflect a fundamental difference in how settlement proceedings will be treated in Botswana? If the latter, it may hamper the Authority’s ability to expeditiously conclude settlement proceedings, a tool that has proved spectacularly successful in South Africa.

The second ruling relates to an alleged concerted practice between panel beaters. Following the referral of the matter to the Commission, the alleged cartelists raised a number of due process issues prior to the substantive hearing of the facts. In particular, it was argued that the Commission was incompetent to rule in the matter as, given its role as both referee and player in the dispute, the parties under investigation were not guaranteed a fair hearing. The parties sought the relief that the matter be stayed pending the establishment of an independent and impartial body.

In sharp contrast to the tone and substance of its previous cartel ruling, on 30 October 2013, the Commission dismissed the procedural challenges in their entirety. Irrespective of the fact that the Commission is formally located within the Authority and also functions as a governing Board for the Authority, the Commission stressed that the roles and functions are clearly delineated in the Competition Act, with the Authority authorized to carry out investigations and then refer matters for adjudication to the Commission.

The Commission emphasized that due process was furtherguaranteed by the jurisdiction of the High Court over rulings of the Commission whereby it can remit matters back to theCommission, revoke, increase or reduce any financial penalty, give any direction of its own in substitution for that of the Commission and make any decision as it sees fit.

Underpinning the Commission’s ruling is an implicit acknowledgement of the fact that the institutional design of a competition regime is a policy decision relative to the best fit for a given jurisdiction (taking into account international best practice). Acknowledging that the Botswana model is a hybrid between the integrated (e.g. European Commission) and bifurcated model (e.g. South Africa), the Commission appeared uncomfortable with second-guessing the legislature’s view as to what model was most suitable for Botswana’s current circumstances.

The ruling demonstrates a welcomed openness to international precedence. The Commission makes explicit reference to ICN guidelines on institutional design, while there is implicit reference to the “full jurisdiction” jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights relating to the application of due process to administrative proceedings when the Commission emphasizes the full extent of the High Court’s review of the Commission’s rulings. This review process will be further probed in this case given that the parties have appealed the ruling.

These two recent rulings illustrate how in the relatively short period since their inception, both the Authority and the Commission have absorbed the lessons from more established jurisdictions and are forging their own path in the enforcement of the Competition Act. Both the Authority and the Commission are already grappling with complex issues of due process on par with those confronting their more established counterparts. For example, by contrast, it has taken decades to obtain an arguably definitive ruling on the application of Article 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights to the competition proceedings before the European Commission.

9 months make a baby – but no antitrust authority!

mozambique

Almost nine months later… and still no signs of the Mozambique Competition Authority

By Sofia Ranchordas, Tilburg University (Law School)

On April 11, 2013, the Mozambique Competition Act was passed.  We wrote a piece on the potential advent of competition law in Mozambique here, brusquely entitled: Antitrust in Mozambique? …could have stayed in COMESA.

The law constitutes an important milestone for the country’s economy since it establishes an independent competition regulatory authority (‘CRA’), is applicable to most economic activities, and introduces a legal framework for competition in Mozambique. The Mozambique Competition Act addresses anti-competitive practices and merger control. This act came into force on July 10 and should have been implemented by October 8, 2013. It ‘should have’ but its thorough implementation, including the approval of the Statute of the CRA, leniency program and the definition of exact thresholds for the notification of mergers to the CRA, is still out of sight.

In 2007, the Mozambique Competition Policy (Resolution n.º 37/2007, 12.11) was approved. The adoption of this policy document was a step towards the modernization of this country’s framework for business conduct and improvement of competition conditions. It was also an attempt to tackle existing anticompetitive practices taking place in different economic sectors, including predatory pricing, refusals to deal, and horizontal agreements. In 2007, the Council of Ministers acknowledged the need for stricter competition rules and the establishment of an independent competition authority. At the time, Mozambique already knew multiple sectoral dispositions prohibiting anti-competitive practices that were (and still are) enforced by sectoral regulators. However, an all-embracing competition act was still missing. In 2009, the endorsement of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Declaration on Regional Cooperation in Competition and Consumer Policies increased the pressure for the enactment of a competition act. Mozambique was seriously lagging behind the other members of this regional community, where some countries had effective competition laws and operating competition authorities for years. This was the case of South Africa, Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Malawi.

On April 11, 2013 the long-awaited Mozambique Competition Act (‘MzCA’) was adopted. An attentive reader shall rapidly find the similarities between this act and the 2003 Portuguese Competition Act (replaced in 2012). The MzCA has a comprehensive scope and is applicable to both private and State-owned undertakings, including most economic activities (see the exceptions listed in article 4). This act prohibits both horizontal and vertical agreements and practices susceptible of substantially impeding, distorting or restricting competition (articles 15-18). This act provides however that the mentioned prohibited practices may notably be justified if they generate economic efficiencies, promote the competitiveness of small and medium enterprises, promote innovation, exportations, or result in other pro-competitive gains (article 21 and 22). Although the text of the MzCA is unclear, it appears that the drafting of a leniency policy is one of the elements which shall be regulated in the context of the implementation process of this act.

The prohibition of abuse of dominant position, as defined in article 20, appears to be one of the priorities of this law. Mozambique is characterized by a highly concentrated market and the dominance of previously state-owned companies, which have been recently liberalized.

The MzCA introduces merger control rules in Mozambique, defining mergers as ‘an acquisition of shareholdings, an acquisition of ownerships or the right of use of assets, IP rights, or any agreements granting a decisive influence on the composition or resolution of corporate bodies. Mergers that meet certain thresholds must notify the operation to the CRA within seven working days after the agreement. These thresholds remain until now unknown since their definition has been left to the further regulations which should have been adopted in October this year.

As far as sanctions are concerned, the violation of the prohibitions contained in the MzCA may result in the application of fines up to 5% of a company’s turnover in the previous year. Additional sanctions such as the exclusion of participation in public tenders for a period of up to five years may equally be applied.

The implementation of the MzCA is expected to be gradual and to take into account the characteristics of the Mozambican economy. Considering the dispositions of the MzCA and particularly the extensive powers vested in the CRA, this act, if correctly implemented, may produce a strong impact on most Mozambican economic sectors and compel companies to rethink some of their practices. There is only one small detail: almost nine months have passed and it is still unknown when and how the implementation process of the MzCA will start.  If experience from other new competition jurisdictions can be used as a guideline, one may expect the MZ government to hire a law firm or other experts to draft the implementation rules that are still missing, but this – as much else – remains to be seen.

More antitrust? Calls for competition legislation in Ghana

ghana

Former Ghanaian Supreme Court Justice calls for competition law

According to online reports, Mr Samuel Date-Bah, retired Justice of the Ghanaian Supreme Court and Council Chairman of the University of Ghana, made some strong public comments on the economic necessity of creating a new West-African antitrust regime at a conference on December 5, 2013, also known as “World Competition Day”.  The event was the “Policy Roundtable Discussion on Competition Reforms in Ghana,” organized by CUTS International, held in the capital of Accra.

The article reports that Justice Date-Bah, who has held visiting academic positions at Oxford and Yale Law School, deplored the legislature’s previously failed attempts of enacting a comprehensive competition law, calling for the country to do so to ensure proper market dynamics.

Other panelists, such as Dr Edward Brown, Director of Policy Advisory Services at the African Centre for Economic Transformation (ACET), reportedly supported the Justice’s position on the need for a Ghanaian competition-law regime and called for its integration into the regional supranational bodies of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

COMESA merger rules to change in April 2014 at the earliest

COMESA Competition Commission logo

Breaking news: A senior source at the COMESA Competition Commission (“CCC”), has confirmed that the CCC is currently finalising proposed amendments to the Regulations.

The amendments being debated seek to change, crucially, the applicable thresholds for merger notifications to the CCC and to clarify the definition and (potentially lower?) amount of the administrative notification fees.

For the amendments to come into force, they require approval from the COMESA Council of Ministers.  The Council convenes once a year, now likely in February.  The source adds that, as the amendments will only be finalised toward the end of February, an extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers will likely need to be convened to consider the amendments to the Regulations.  Such an extraordinary session may take place in April 2014.  The amended Regulations will only become enforceable upon approval by the Council.

That is, the way things are looking today, any change to the COMESA merger rules will occur in half a year at the earliest

In practical terms, this means that the dual dilemma of the “zero-threshold contagion” and the inordinately high filing fees currently affecting the CCC’s merger-control regime (and resulting in rather low merger-notification statistics of less than one per month) will continue to hamper the young agency and its customers for the foreseeable near-term future.

We will report back once we have additional details on the precise language of the proposed amendments.

The Zero Threshold Contagion

Published in this month’s “The Threshold,” the American Bar Association’s merger-focused quarterly journal:

The Zero Threshold Contagion — Too Little of a Good Thing in Pan-African Merger Control

Andreas Stargard [1]

Fittingly for this publication, international merger control poses a threshold problem.  One may call it the “zero-threshold contagion.”  On January 14, 2013, it spread to the newest member of the growing number of worldwide merger-control regimes: the victim in this particular instance was COMESA[2] – a multi-jurisdictional body with a vast geographic span across 19 eastern and southern African economies, home to a population 25% larger than that of the United States.

Background

With the inception of the COMESA Competition Commission’s (“CCC”) operations, certain corporate transactions “with a regional dimension” are now subject to mandatory merger notification.  Whether or not this notification requirement has a suspensory effect on the notified transaction[3] is but one of the many ambiguities pervading the young merger regime, which applies a “substantially prevent or lessen competition” test, in addition to other, less-common criteria for merger analysis.  A fair question arises: “What exactly are the rules?”

Much of the commentary on the CCC’s emergence has been critical, mostly focused on the many ambiguities in the system, and occasionally going as far as questioning the agency’s mandate, competence, and extraterritorial reach.  This article lays out the objective underlying facts behind COMESA, which are often little understood.

Having a merger-control regime – more broadly speaking, a competition law[4] – in the region is neither surprising nor a sudden development.  The statute has been in existence for a decade, and the advent of the CCC merely represents the pinnacle of a rather long regional history that was to lead, quite predictably, to its implementation.

To understand the impetus behind this final chapter in the gestation of supra-national antitrust law in Africa, it helps briefly to recall COMESA’s history.  Its goals were premised ab initio on economic progress in the region, having evolved from its precursor “Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa” (1981) into the COMESA of today (1994).  COMESA’s establishing Treaty, drafted two decades ago, left no doubt that competition law would become a key focus area for the organization.[5]  After all, one of COMESA’s primary stated goals is a “wider, harmonised and more competitive market.”[6]

It is against this historical backdrop that the organization enacted its Competition Regulations and Rules in 2004.  Yet, a decade later, the Regulations remained empty legislative vessels, as there was no enforcement body to apply them.[7]  Elsewhere, I have called the phenomenon of the gap between existing antitrust legislation and its lack of enforcement the “missing policeman rubicon.”  The COMESA competition regime finally crossed that river when the CCC, headquartered in Malawi, became operational in January of this year under the leadership of George Lipimile.  Its launch finally awakened the dormant antitrust statute and its merger-control regime.

From tabula rasa to Established Enforcement – a Rocky Road without a Threshold

Almost a year into the CCC’s existence, one may ask how the various pieces of the enforcement puzzle have come together?  Filling in the blank canvas on which Mr. Lipimile’s agency is building its administrative platform has not come without hiccups, as well as numerous pragmatic questions raised about how COMESA will achieve its stated mission.  First and foremost among these is the threshold question.

As readers of this publication are keenly aware, when advising clients on the perennial question of “where must we file,” law firms commonly operate on the basis of a piece of coveted and fiercely guarded work product, created over the course of decades and regularly updated, in all likelihood, by a junior attorney: in short, a jurisdictional matrix showing key variables such as per-party deal-value or revenue thresholds, (disfavored) market-share tests, exceptional minority shareholding or control rules, and other unique characteristics of each of the ten dozen or so merger regimes currently in operation worldwide.

It is a safe bet that the attorneys who had the misfortune of having to add the COMESA section to their firm’s matrix in early 2013 were scratching their heads at the (then virtually unexplained) language governing CCC merger enforcement.  Their first question was: What’s the revenue threshold?  Short answer: None.

The statute requires parties to have combined worldwide and regional aggregate revenues or assets, whichever is higher, of at least “COM$ Zero.[8]  The CCC’s explanation for this de facto non-existent threshold has been that “different Member States are at different levels of economic development and hence a realistic threshold can only be determined after the Regulation has been tested on the market.  Therefore, the threshold shall be raised after a period of implementation of the Regulations.”[9]

In addition to the threshold issue, it has also remained unhelpfully vague what it means for a business to “operate” within COMESA – e.g., are mere import sales sufficient?  How many of the parties to the transaction must be commercially active in the common market?  Does a COMESA notification discharge all filing obligations vis-à-vis member-state competition authorities, even those whose markets are primarily affected by a given transaction (i.e., is the CCC a true one-stop-shop)?  Are acquisitions of minority shareholdings out of scope?  How is the (seemingly unduly steep) filing fee actually calculated?

In brief, the need for significant clarification was abundantly clear early on.  To its credit, the CCC did follow international best practices and released its explanatory Guidelines in draft form for public comment in April.  The Guidelines cover not only the procedural steps and substantive analysis applied by the agency, but also some of the uniquely regional topics, e.g., the “public interest criterion” under Article 26 of the Regulations – an additional analytical (most would say solely socio-political) criterion that goes far beyond orthodox antitrust principles, muddying the waters of pure merger-control assessment and arguably diluting outcome predictability to the point of a “black box.”  In response, commentators from across the globe (including the American Bar Association) provided their critical response during the summer, in the hopes of ensuring the young agency’s smooth evolution from blank slate to rational and proportionate merger enforcer.

It is now – almost one year into the COMESA competition saga – ever more evident that significant confusion (and parties’ resulting aversion to filing) remains.  One piece of readily available empirical evidence demonstrating this fact is the lack of any meaningful number of merger notifications.  It is no secret that many private practitioners follow the rule that, in the absence of clarity and meaningful thresholds, COMESA simply constitutes “no-go territory” for merging firms.  Such advice has led not only to an instinctive discounting of COMESA’s relevancy, but also directly to the CCC’s subdued statistics: the agency has received only nine ten notifications in the first ten eleven months of its existence.  Compare this rate (which averages less than one per month) to the estimated number of filings received by another relatively young antitrust watchdog in a developing economy, the Indian Competition Commission (which has received more than 5 notifications per month).

In short, the view persists among global competition counsel that parties can, in commercial practice, simply dispense with a CCC filing that would otherwise be technically required.  Weighing the risk of non-notification (“Is the CCC willing to bring an enforcement action for failure to notify?” – “Does it have adequate resources to sue?”) against the costs, burden and unpredictability of doing so has, in practice, often resulted in a decision not to notify.

This attitude, in turn, revives the dilemma of the “missing policeman”: even if he is physically present, an enforcer who lacks authoritative presence will remain ineffectual – a danger that is only aggravated if the rules he is to apply are not clearly laid out.

The lackluster statistics also raise the further question whether COMESA simply “bit off too much” on the merger-control front, especially when one considers its zero-dollar thresholds, small staff, fragmented supra-national infrastructure, and other factors that call into question its viability (e.g., jurisdictional disputes with some of its member states).  In 2012, senior outside advisers had warned the CCC that – with a zero-dollar threshold and almost no nexus requirement – it was either going to be flooded with de minimis notifications or receive virtually none whatsoever, as parties would simply ignore the mandate.  Thus far, the latter has turned out to be the case.

COM$0, No Nexus, and a Hefty Price Tag – Recipe for Disaster?

The zero-threshold dilemma ranks perhaps as the most significant among the criticisms leveled at the CCC.  Yet, it does not stand alone in the confusing arsenal of statutory language that routinely perplexes counsel advising merging parties with commercial activities in the region.

Lack of Clear Jurisdictional Nexus

At present, a merger transaction[10] is technically notifiable where only one of the parties operates within more than one member state of the common market.  This sets the stage for perverse possibilities: a transaction with a target jurisdiction that, to this day, does not have a domestic antitrust law will nonetheless require a CCC notification with its attendant colossal filing fee.  Worse, the same goes for the acquisition of a target that has no operations whatsoever within COMESA, but where the acquirer alone operates in two member states.

A prime real-life example is the recent COMESA approval of Total’s acquisition of Shell’s Egyptian gas operations.[11]  Pursuant to the terms of the published decision – which is marred by the omission of crucial terms, thereby rendering a meaningful interpretation difficult – the CCC determined “that the transaction has a regional dimension in that both [sic!] the acquiring firm operate [sic!] in more than one COMESA Member State.”[12]  Is it both or just one?  The decision proceeds to identify only the states in which the acquirer is active and does not mention those in which the target has any cognizable operations.  In yet another notified transaction, only the acquiring party had operations in three member states, whereas the target was admittedly “only active in Nigeria, and has no operations in any of the COMESA Member States.”[13]

In essence, under the present regime, even transactions with a de minimis nexus to the region are subject to notification – a rather blatant jurisdictional overreach when compared to international best practices, as enunciated for instance by the ICN in its Recommended Practices for Merger Notification Procedures or in the OECD’s counterpart guidance.  These provide for the generally accepted principle that the parties’ commercial activities on the relevant market must have a material nexus to the reviewing jurisdiction, i.e., the merger must be likely to cause an appreciable competitive effect within the territory of the reviewing jurisdiction, such that notifications are only required for “those mergers that have an appropriate nexus with their jurisdiction.”[14]

In its present form, the net cast by the COMESA merger regulations is woven far too finely, as it catches transactions in which only the acquirer operates in the Common Market.  Should the status quo persist through the next iteration of the merger rules’ amendments, the CCC will entrench itself as being out of sync with accepted best practices and will have cemented an inopportune example of extraterritorial overextension in global merger enforcement.

A (Pricey) Tollbooth on the African Merger Interstate

Other areas of criticism may sting even more, however.  A two-fold key problem of the young merger regime has been (1) its confusingly worded filing-fee provision and (2) the perceived exploitation thereof by the CCC.  Tackling these briefly in turn, it is almost an understatement to call the fee provision[15] ambiguous or unclear – its indiscriminate use of “higher of” vs. “lower of,” with no transparent identification of the relevant reference points, is a prime example of avoidably poor legislative drafting.

The publication of a barrage of (incorrect, as it turns out) news flashes and client alerts by law firms prompted the CCC, to its credit, to issue corrective guidance shortly after its inception: on February 26, 2013, it clarified that the half-million-dollar figure was in fact the maximum filing fee.[16]  In the words of the CCC: “When a merger is received, the [CCC] will first calculate 0.5% of the combined turnover of the merging parties.  [It] will then calculate 0.5% of the combined value of assets of the merging parties. [It] will then compare results in 1 and 2 above and get the higher value.  [It] will then compare this higher value to the COM$500,000.”[17]

As a practitioner’s rule of thumb, if the combined annual revenues or asset values of the notifying parties are (U.S.) $100 million or more, the administrative fee will be the maximum $500,000.

The agency’s clarification notwithstanding, it goes without saying that the resulting fees (including miscellany)[18] will nonetheless be exorbitant.  The filing fee alone is vastly disproportionate to the deal values of all but the largest transactions.  Indeed, it constitutes by far the highest merger notification fee in the world (keeping in mind that the global filing-fee scale ranges from the EU’s €0 fee to the United States’ $280,000 maximum).

According to a March 2013 CCC letter, the agency undertook a “preliminary assessment” of expected notification fees, concluding that the cost of a (presumably one-stop-shop) COMESA filing would be “much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.”[19]  It admits, however, that this early estimate was just that – a guess, as it had “not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons.”[20]

Since then, the CCC has nonetheless taken full advantage of its “tollbooth” role.  For instance, as reported in various business journals,[21] it billed the parties to the pharmaceutical Cipla transaction at the maximum level possible, cashing in half a million U.S. dollars in the process.  It is difficult to recreate the CCC’s unstated methodology of its “preliminary assessment,” but under no hypothesis would the Cipla parties’ national filing fees have matched, much less exceeded, the COMESA fee.

Recalling that one of the stated goals of COMESA is to create a “more competitive market,” one may ask whether the organization has lost its way?  Is it spitefully naïve or rather sadly perceptive to view the creation of the CCC as a short-sighted attempt by a developing region to extract a de facto tax on local businesses and foreign corporations interested in acquiring them – in effect thereby stifling regional growth and outside investment?

Sources who were present during preparatory meetings between CCC staff and international advisors from other enforcement agencies and academia confirm that, even prior to its becoming operational, the CCC affirmatively counted on taking full advantage of the high fees, perceiving them to be a source of funding elementary to the agency’s existence.  This anticipated revenue stream was viewed as so significant that members of the Kenyan Competition Authority (“CAK”) and the CCC engaged in an open quarrel over the ultimate recipient thereof and whether there would be any fee split among NCAs and the CCC.  This type of internal common-market discord eventually led to a “revenue-sharing agreement” of sorts.[22]  Yet, Kenya and COMESA have subsequently continued to disagree on whether COMESA has jurisdiction over certain notifiable transactions – leading to further ambiguity over whether COMESA will be a true “one-stop-shop”.  It stands to reason that the agencies’ prior fee dispute is but one reason for the CAK’s formal request for a “cooperation framework” between the authorities, in order to “operationalize” the two agencies’ joint mandate and to “actualize the interface.”[23]

Going Forward – Mixed Signs of Hope, But the Window is Closing

The silver lining amid clouds of confusion and disagreement surrounding COMESA’s merger-control provisions consists of universal anticipation of revamped legislation and guidance papers.  Since it is the most obvious shortcoming, the glaring zero-threshold provision will likely take center stage at the upcoming annual meeting of the COMESA Council, slated for December, which unites cabinet-level emissaries from all 19 member states.  The Council alone can amend the rules and regulations governing the CCC.  The agency, however, is presumptively in sole charge of its interpretive guidance relating to the legislation.  To date, the agency has not published a final version of its Guidelines.  It is therefore too early to conclude whether the submission of comments on the drafts by experienced practitioners and other experts has borne fruit.

In addition, while the public consultation procedure on the Regulations is well-intentioned in principle, its delayed start and lengthy duration indicate a protracted period of uncertainty and, thus, the continuing validity of inadequate legislation, i.e., the status quo.  The consultation’s implementation, effectiveness, and quality of outside advisers also remain to be determined.

In sum, COMESA’s competition enforcement has left many questions unanswered.  The low number of actual merger notifications is a direct reflection of parties’ and practitioners’ unease at dealing with the CCC.  Crucial elements of the agency’s ultimate success will almost certainly include the clarification of its existing rules as well as the adaptation of its merger legislation to real-life exigencies, such as fundamentally inverting the current ratio of high filing fees and low thresholds.


[1] Andreas Stargard is a partner in the Brussels office of Paul Hastings.

[2]Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa,” of whose 19 members only a minority of jurisdictions currently have domestic antitrust laws (Egypt, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe).  Notably, COMESA excludes South Africa, by far the largest economy in the region, which has its own merger control regime.

[3] The COMESA Regulations do not clearly provide for a prohibition on closing prior to clearance, although the formal Notification Form (No. 12) contains language indicating suspensory effect.  CCC’s staff has made informal comments at various conferences stating that the regime was not suspensory.  However, the last legislative word has not been spoken on the issue, or if it has, it remains ambiguous.

[4] This article focuses on the merger-control aspect not only because it is the Threshold’s topical focus.  COMESA’s broader antitrust rules (on abuse of dominance or cartel prohibition) are not yet fit subjects for comment, as they have simply not seen any application in practice as of this writing.

[5] See, e.g., COMESA Treaty Art. 55 (establishing a regional competition law framework and foreshadowing implementing Regulations); Art. 52 (prohibiting certain types of state aid, “which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings or the production of certain goods”); Art. 54 (anti-dumping); see also Arts. 76, 85, 86, 99, 106.

[7] SeeCrossing the Competition Rubicon: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA,” Concurrences Law Journal, Vol. 3-2013, co-authored with John Oxenham.

[8] A so-called “COMESA dollar” is a monetary accounting unit pegged (since May 1997) to the U.S. dollar at a fixed 1-to-1 exchange rate.

[9] Draft Merger Assessment Guideline, §1.3.

[10] That is, the “direct or indirect acquisition or establishment of a controlling interest by one or more persons in the whole or part of the business of a competitor, supplier, customer or other person.”  Art. 23 COMESA Competition Regulations

[11] CCC Decision, Total Outre Mer S.A / Shell Marketing Egypt and Shell Compressed Natural Gas Egypt Company, October 18, 2013 (public version), available online at http://www.comesacompetition.org/images/Documents/MergerCases/order%20no.%203%20total%20shell.pdf

[12] Id.

[13] CCC Merger Inquiry Notice No. 7 of 2013, Notice of Inquiry into the Transaction involving the Acquisition of Provident Life Assurance Company Limited by Old Mutual (Africa) Holdings Proprietary Limited, available online at http://www.comesacompetition.org/images/Documents/MergerCases/omah%20and%20provident%20statement%20of%20merger.pdf

[14] OECD Recommendation of the Council on Merger Review I.A.1.2.i.

[15] Rule 55(4) of the amended COMESA Competition Rules reads as follows: “Notification of a notifiable merger shall be accompanied by a fee calculated at 0.5% or COM$500000, or whichever is lower of the combined annual turnover or combined value of assets in the Common Market, whichever is higher.”

[16] The “greater of” calculus in the provision instead refers to the half-percent of “assets” versus “revenues,” according to the CCC.

[17] “Interpretive Meaning Of The Notification Fee Pursuant To Rule 55(4) Of The Amended COMESA Competition Rules,” available online at: http://www.comesacompetition.org/documents/english/29-notification-fee-pursuant-to-rule-55-amended-comesa-competition-rules

[18] Fees for notifications are not the only party-sponsored revenue source, as the November 2012 amendments to the Competition Rules also prescribe a $10,000 fee each for applications for authorization and for exemption orders.  See Amended Rules 63(1) and 77(4).

[19] Letter from CCC, dated 22 March 2013, at §17, available online at https://africanantitrust.com/2013/05/14

[20] Id. at 16

[21] See, e.g., “Regional competition body for COMESA under fire for inflated merger filing fees,” Business Day (8/20/2013), available online at: http://www.bdlive.co.za/africa/africanbusiness/2013/08/20/news-analysis-regional-competition-body-for-comesa-under-fire-for-inflated-merger-filing-fees

[23] February 14, 2013 letter from CAK Director-General Kariuki to the CCC’s Mr. Lipimile.  The Kenyan Attorney General subsequently issued a ruling against COMESA jurisdiction over certain Kenyan transactions in March 2013.  See https://africanantitrust.com/2013/03/15/

Some COMESA Merger-Control Musings on the Latest Notification

COMESA Competition Commission logo

It’s been a little while since we last published a note on COMESA.  When there is little substantive news to report, statistics often yield a topic to write about.  And so it is with COMESA.  The statistic at hand: On Monday, 18. November 2013, the Competition Commission announced that it had received its tenth merger notification.

Here are a few observations on the deal (Total Egypt LLC/Chevron Egypt SAE & Total/Beltone Capital Holdings) that spring to mind:

  1. Geography: While the recitals fail to mention any common-market dimension of the transaction, it seems to be centered on COMESA member state Egypt.  On the face of it, this appears to be an Egyptian deal, and as we have become accustomed to, it is hard to infer from the published information what the nexus to the common market is.
  2. Repeat party: The notified deal involves a repeat customer of the CCC, namely the oil & energy company Total.  A different Total subsidiary had filed for (and has since obtained) approval of another transaction in March: the previous Total/Shell deal, also centered on Egypt, was notified in July.  To our knowledge, Total is the first repeat COMESA-notifying party in the CCC’s history.  This may well be a positive sign for the CCC.
  3. Two-for-One, please! The CCC observes in its November 18th notice that it actually received one single notification for de facto two transactions: the Chevron and the Beltone deal.  But the parties were quick to point out – smartly so, some would say – that the deals were closely “interrelated” and therefore should be treated as one transaction for purposes of COMESA review.  Bottom line: only one notification = only one merger filing fee (!) to pay, which can, as we know, easily hit the half-million dollar mark.  In the end, the CCC bought the argument and allowed the parties to make only one single notification.
  4. Overall statistics: 11 months and 10 merger notifications.  That equals less than 1 filing per month.  With such a low number, the CCC is certainly not on track to beat other young competition-law enforcers’ merger stats (such as India’s Competition Commission, which has received an average of over 5 notifications per month since its inception two years ago).
  5. Flying under the radar: Combine Point 4 above (low filing statistics) with the zero-threshold and low nexus requirements that trigger a COMESA merger notification, and the following question inevitably comes to mind: With such low thresholds, and the certain existence of commercial deal activity going on in the COMESA zone, why are there so few notifications?  Are parties simply ignoring the notification mandate?  And if so, what is the CCC — an enforcement agency, after all — doing about this?
  6. Cute or lax? As with other official documents on the CCC’s web site, even this mere 2-pager contains what appears to be an unintended inclusion of internal CCC notes that the agency failed to delete prior to publication.  It reads as follows: “[these abbreviations are not explained anywhere above].”  Someone forgot to review the [short] notice, which has been up for 3 days now, and which does diminish the appearance of professionalism.  More importantly, it calls into question the ability of the agency to edit its own documents carefully, redact properly, and thus its capability to maintain the confidentiality of party or non-party submissions.  Quoth the Raven: “I wish to assure you that all the information you will make available to the Commission shall be treated with the strictest confidentiality and will only be used for the purpose of this inquiry,” as the standard closing CCC paragraph goes…
In conclusion, the most important practical tip for parties contemplating deals in the COMESA region is perhaps the upshot of Point 3 above: Get a package deal! There is now precedent that the CCC permits such combined notifications, which should allow parties to wrap multiple transactions into one lower-cost filing, thereby avoiding what I am calling in an upcoming article the CCC’s “(Pricey) Tollbooth on the African Merger Interstate“…