Category: new regime

A New Dawn for African Antitrust in Uganda

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By Guest Author, Simon M. Mutungi, Ph.D.

Competition law first emerged in 19th century North America where it was known as antitrust law. Back then, large companies entered legal arrangements where they formed a trust that would hold and consolidate their property. They would then cooperate as a single group in various ways to maximize their profits at the expense of customers. To better understand the impact of such an arrangement, imagine you are a kid again back in kindergarten, preparing for a tag-of-war match and you have chosen the biggest and strongest colleagues as your teammates to compete with other students. That team is going to win that competition before the whistle even blows.

Enter John D. Rockefeller, one of modern history’s richest men, who formed a trust that consolidated a large number of petroleum companies under a single board of trustees. Through this trust called Standard Oil, he controlled about 90 percent of America’s oil refining capacity at its peak. Consequently, he could price the oil as he wished, and he did not need to produce quality petroleum products as there was no strong competition against his trust. Seeing the negative effect of such an arrangement on consumers and the economy at large, neighbouring Canada would pass the world’s first competition law in 1889 followed by the U.S in 1890 to break up such trusts hence the name ‘Antitrust’ law.

Now, 134 years later, Uganda has finally caught up following this month’s presidential assent of the Competition Act 2023, a very late yet equally very welcome endeavour. Till then we had mostly relied on sectoral laws such as Uganda Communications Act and regional laws like COMESA’s Competition Protocol. More recently, the Africa Continental Free Trade Area Competition Protocol was also promulgated. Competition law is basically a policy designed to promote fair market competition by regulating anti-competitive conduct by companies. Uganda’s introduction of a Competition Act marks a significant stride in its economic legislative framework, aiming to create a fair business environment and improve consumer welfare. This editorial highlights the ABCs of competition law tailored for businesses and individuals who might be unfamiliar with the concept, in the context of Uganda’s new law.

Levelling the playing field

Imagine a marketplace in Uganda where only one seller has maize to sell. Without competition, this seller can charge high prices, and buyers have no choice but to pay up if they need maize. That seller would also have no incentive to produce good quality maize products since there would be no other alternatives to his products. Competition law levels the playing field by preventing such monopolies and ensuring that no single company can dominate a market to the detriment of consumers and competitors. It encourages innovation, fair pricing, and quality through healthy competition. By regulating anti-competitive practices, such as price-fixing and market sharing, competition law keeps markets open and accessible, allowing new entrants and fostering an environment where businesses of all sizes can thrive. This ensures consumers benefit from a wider choice of products and services, improved quality, and better prices.

 The Ugandan Competition Act 2023

President Museveni signed this law into effect on 2nd February 2024.and it addresses various practices as explained below:

 Prohibition of anti-competitive agreements.

The Act in effect, for instance prevents MTN and Airtel from agreeing on a deal to fix airtime or data prices at a certain level. It prevents Nile Breweries and Uganda Breweries from agreeing on a deal to limit the production of beers to cause a shortage and increase the price of Nile Special or Tusker Lite respectively. Under the Act, NTV cannot coordinate with NBS TV to divide the tele-broadcasting market by region, where one channel exclusively airs content in one area while the other operates in a different region, thereby avoiding direct competition. These are all examples of a horizontal agreement between competitors. The Act also prevents vertical arrangements such as tying arrangements where for example City Tyres would contract with Cafe Javas to only serve food to clients that used services of the former. Another example of vertical arrangements prohibited under the Act is resale price maintenance agreements where Unilever Uganda Limited for example would enter a contract with Akiki’s Retailer Shop to sell Geisha soap at a specific price, preventing her from offering discounts or altering the price. A deal forcing Akiki’s retail shop to only sell Unilever products under an exclusive supply/distribution agreement is also illegal under the new law. This position was earlier provided by the commercial court in Ezee Money v. MTN Uganda, where court found that MTN’s use of illegal exclusivity agreements on mobile money agents and intimidation tactics in the market; restricted competitors from rendering beneficial services to the public and thus constituted unfair competition in violation of the Communications (Fair Competition) Regulations, 2005.

However, the Act’s limitation lies in the genius nature of companies, which typically avoid explicit collusion agreements, opting instead for subtle coordination through mutual adjustments in their actions without documented interactions. For instance, Mogas and CityOil may observe each other’s pricing and adjust their own prices accordingly without any direct communication. If one station raises its prices and the others follow suit, maintaining higher prices collectively, they are indirectly coordinating to benefit from higher profits at the expense of consumers, despite not having an explicit agreement to do so. While the law addresses this issue in price fixing and tendering exercises, it leaves other media open and as such it ought to address not just overt but also covert forms of collusion, ensuring it encompasses both explicit and implicit conspiracies to ensure market fairness.

Abuse of dominant position

Dominant position is defined under the Act as a firm commanding 30 percent of the market or where a group of three or more has a 60 percent market share. Such a firm(s) are not allowed to use this position to the detriment of their competition or consumers for instance through predatory pricing. This is a concept where, hypothetically, Kinyara significantly lowers sugar prices below cost to outcompete and drive Kakira out of the sugar market and once the latter has left the market, the former raises prices again, taking advantage of its now dominant market position.

Another example of abuse of dominant position is the refusal of access to an essential facility.  The Act does not define what an essential facility is but it is basically a facility/asset/infrastructure that is owned and controlled by a dominant firm or monopolist which facility a third party needs access to, to offer its own product or service. This doctrine is applied when the facility in question is something competitors cannot feasibly replicate due to legal, economic, or technical barriers, and where denying access to this facility would hinder competition.

Essentially, it ensures that no company can use control over a crucial resource to lock out competition and maintain its dominance, thereby promoting a more competitive marketplace. This doctrine has proved controversial and Ugandan courts have dealt with this issue before and will likely deal with it again. For example, can MTN commanding a dominant position in the mobile money market deny any third-party fintech aggregators access to its mobile money platform? This issue was at play again in the 2013 Ezee Money v MTN matter where the court determined that MTN had unjustly prevented Ezee Money from connecting with the aggregator, Yo! Uganda Limited, to its network. As a result, Ezee argued that it incurred substantial financial losses.

The court rejected MTN’s flimsy response that the law only protected licensed persons and held that its activities unfairly prevented, restricted or distorted competition in the communications sector contrary to the Uganda Communications Act and the Communications (Fair Competition) Regulations, 2005. MTN was ordered to pay general damages of USD 235,000 as well as punitive damages to the tune of USD 441,000, though this was appealed. This verdict, in my opinion, was the catalyst for the emergence of the hundreds of Ugandan fintech start-ups that have leveraged the essential infrastructure provided by MTN and Airtel. This development has led to the creation of a robust national payment system, ultimately and significantly benefiting us, the consumers. This will also be critical as Uganda ventures into the open banking sphere.

Mergers, acquisitions and joint ventures

The Act requires that for all mergers, acquisitions and joint ventures to be consummated, there must be authorization from the Minister of Trade. Firstly, the Minister should immediately prescribe a threshold for the kind of mergers and acquisition that will require ministerial approval lest Frank’s Auto Shop acquisition of Amara’s Garage in downtown Kisenyi require clearance which can cause a mountain load of paperwork headache for both the minister and these SMEs. Only acquisitions that can alter competition on a large scale should require ministerial approval. For example, MTN can never be allowed to acquire Airtel in this current market under the new law.

Another type of arrangement the Act indirectly prohibits is “killer acquisitions” This refers to a strategy where a dominant firm acquires a potential competitor, not necessarily for the value of its existing operations, but to prevent future competition. Imagine a large pharmaceutical company, like Quality Chemicals Ltd that dominates the market for a specific class of HIV/AIDS medication “ARVx,”. Now imagine a small start-up, Ankole Pharma Ltd, develops a promising new HIV/AIDS drug “AnXX” that could potentially revolutionize treatment in this category, posing a competitive threat to Quality Chemical’s ARVx. Before Ankole Pharma can bring AnXX to the market, Quality Chemicals Ltd acquires Ankole Pharma.

However instead of further developing and marketing Ankole Pharma’s ground-breaking drug AnXX, Quality Chem shelves or kills the project altogether. This move effectively eliminates a potential competitor, ensuring Quality Chemical’s market dominance remains unchallenged, preventing the innovative drug from reaching patients who could benefit from it. This scenario exemplifies a “killer acquisition” in the pharmaceutical industry, where the primary motive is to stifle competition and innovation rather than enhance the acquirer’s product portfolio.

Such are the practices that competition law seeks to prevent. In a free capitalistic market, parties tend to place profits ahead of the consumer welfare and government intervention is welcome to this extent. This intervention is however a costly venture as the government would need to train/hire economists and lawyers to add some bite to its bark. Noting that there is also no competition authority despite the law being passed, the country still has challenges ahead in this regard.

The author, Dr. Mutungi

(c) Dr. Simon Mutungi

Gun-jumping in Morocco, Switzerland-style

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In a relatively rare northwestern excursion on the continent, we are reporting today that the Moroccan competition authority (the Competition Council, or “CC”) based in Fez, which has operated only since late 2018, issued its first-ever gun-jumping fine to Swiss construction/chemicals firm Sika Aktiengesellschaft. Sika will have to pay (unless it exercises its right to a judicial appeal of this inaugural MCC decision, which it appears the company has waived and agreed to pay the) approx. $1m in fines, per the recent Article 19 fining decision made on April 28, 2022.

The underlying conduct consisted of Sika’s May 2019 acquisition of 100% of the capital and voting rights of its French competitor, Financière Dry Mix Solutions SAS, with business activities in and economic ties to Morocco, via its “Sodap” in-country subsidiary. Sika – the largest construction chemicals firm worldwide, according to its own marketing materials – likewise conducts business in Morocco, in addition to 100 other countries globally.

According to the MCC, the parties purportedly failed to notify the transaction pursuant to the mandatory provisions in Arts. 12-14 of the Moroccan competition act (Loi no. 104-12 of 2014) and thus caused the MCC to open its first gun-jumping investigation, leading to this — not insignificant — fine that has now been issued by the Council. The original liability finding was made previously, in MCC decision n°134/D/2021 (dated 6th December 2021).

Under the domestic merger-control regime, a notifiable transactions exists when:

  1. two or more previously independent undertakings merge;
  2. one or more persons, already controlling at least one undertaking, acquire, directly or indirectly, whether by purchase of securities or assets, by contract or by any other means, control of the whole or parts of one or more undertakings; and
  3. one or more undertakings acquire, directly or indirectly, whether by purchase of securities or assets, by contract or by any other means, control of the whole or parts of one or more other undertakings.

To avoid similar mishaps from happening in the future, the MCC — in collaboration with the General Confederation of Moroccan Enterprises (CGEM) — held a conference and issued a legal compliance guide for businesses active in Morocco in January 2022. The MCC’s president, Ahmed Rahhou, expressed his hope that the Guidebook would “allow companies to avoid being in breach of the law and to know their rights and duties especially in terms of competition law.”

Nigerian competition authorities finally established

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The Federal Government of Nigeria inaugurates the Federal Competition & Consumer Protection Commission (“FCCPC”) and the Competition & Consumer Protection Commission Tribunal (“CCPT”) 

By Gina Lodolo

The Federal Government inaugurated the governing board of the FCCPC together with that of the CCPT, in order to ensure that consumer protection is placed at the forefront in giving effect to Nigeria’s developmental goals.  The board was inaugurated by the Minister of Industry Trade and Investment, Otunba Adeniyi Adebayo on the 4th of March 2021.

Section 4 of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act, 2018 (“Act”) provides that in the establishment of a Governing Board charged with the administration of affairs of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, the Board shall “consist of 8 Commissioners made up of a Chairman, a Chief Executive who shall also be the Executive Vice Chairman, two executive Commissioners and four non-executive commissioners”.

According to Section 5 of the Act, the Board members are appointed by the President from the six geo-political zones in the country, subject to confirmation by the Senate. Each Commissioner shall serve for a term of 4 years. The term may only be renewed by the President for a further term of 4 years.

The responsibilities of the FCCPC will be, inter alia, to monitor staff performance, financial reporting and to ensure accountability.  The FCCPC has been established as a policy-making body as gleaned from Minister Adebayo who stated that the agency “as the highest policy-making body, [… is] expected to ensure that the Federal Government’s mandate is achieved”.  Mr. Emeka Nwankpa, Chairman of FCCPC’s board, said that “the board was the first of its kind in the commission [and] appealed to the government to give the team the necessary support in order to function effectively”. Hajia Sharatu Shafi, Chairman of the CCPT board, said “the tribunal would ensure thorough and timely adjudication to ensure that Nigerians get value for their money and enjoy all privileges and protection”.

Minister Adebayo stated that the “present administration has zero tolerance for any form of corruption and this stance must not be compromised in any way”.  Further, “government will punish any corrupt practices perpetrated  by any board members as well as the management team.”

Chief enforcer departs CCC, Mwemba takes on role

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February 17th, 2021: TODAY, the COMESA Competition Commission (“Commission”) released the following statement, wishing “to inform the general public that the tenure of office of Dr George Lipimile who was the Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Commission for the past ten years, came to an end on 31st January 2021.“

Dr Lipimile was appointed by the COMESA Council of Ministers as the first Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Commission in February 2011. He served in this capacity at the Commission for ten years during which time he played a pivotal role in the establishment of the Commission as the first fully operational regional competition authority in Africa and the second fully functional regional competition authority in the world after the European Commission. Dr Lipimile tirelessly worked towards the enforcement of the COMESA Competition Regulations and Rules. He dedicated his time at the Commission in strengthening the institution with but not limited to:

  • Growth in its staff compliment;
  • Creating sound legal framework;
  • Processes and Procedures for enforcement of the Regulations;
  • Advocacy and technical assistance to COMESA Member States; and
  • Setting up the necessary corporate governance systems.

Further, the Commission wishes to announce to the general public that Dr Willard Mwemba has been appointed as the Acting Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Commission from 1st February 2021 until such time the substantive Director of the Commission is recruited. The Commission wishes to congratulate Dr Mwemba on his appointment as the Acting Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Commission.

Incoming Mwemba & outgoing Lipimile

Andreas Stargard, a Primerio competition lawyer who knows both men from having notified transactions to the CCC as well as socially, says that “an era is now concluded — namely the ‘Genesis Era’ of the CCC, as George was its very first, and thus formative, leader. That said, I am deeply assured by the appointment of Dr. Mwemba to his post as acting Director, as he is of utmost competence and I have no doubt will guide the Commission in the right direction in this new ‘CCC 2.0 Era’ after Dr. Lipimile’s departure.”

COMESA seeks replacement for CCC’s Dr. Lipimile

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The COMESA Competition Commission has announced that it is accepting applications for the position of Director of the CCC until the end of October.  Says Andreas Stargard, an antitrust practitioner with Primerio Ltd.:

“The post is currently held by Dr. George Lipimile, the agency’s first and, therefore by definition, most influential chief.  Dr. Lipimile has certainly steered the comparatively young Commission into the right direction during its formative years, notably overseeing a complete makeover of the merger-notification procedure early on in the process, after much criticism of the initial system.

We are curious to see who will replace him in March 2021, as Dr. Lipimile’s term expires at the end of February.  Will it be a true competition-law expert, or will it be a politically-motivated appointment made by the COMESA Secretariat, pushing for someone who is more of a trade lawyer or, worse, economic protectionist.  What the CCC needs now to continue gaining international recognition and respect (from its peer agencies, as well as from commercial parties!) is a qualified antitrust attorney who understands the law & economics aspect of competition practice, and who will apply these principles neutrally throughout the COMESA region!”

Dr. Lipimile
George Lipimile, CEO, COMESA Competition Commission

Back in 2015, we quoted Mr. Stargard as follows, suggesting a path forward for the agency:

“If the CCC steps up its enforcement game in the non-transactional arena, it could become a true force to reckon with in the West.  I can envision a scenario where the CCC becomes capable of launching its own cartel matters and oversees a full-on leniency regime, not having to rely on the ‘follow-on enforcement’ experience from other agencies abroad.  The CCC has great potential, but it must ensure that it fulfills it by showing principled deliberation and full transparency in all of its actions — otherwise it risks continued doubt from outsiders.”

It remains to be seen who the Director’s replacement will be and which of these topics will dominate her or his agenda, if any.  The Director’s term is for 5 years, offering a salary of between $70,000 and $83,000.  Details on the opening can be found here.  Only Member State nationals can apply.  Interestingly, COMESA member states’ antitrust enforcers likewise posted the announcement on their individual web sites:

Book Review: “Making Markets Work for Africa: Markets, Developments and Competition Law in Sub-Saharan Africa” by Eleanor M. Fox and Mor Bakhoum

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Thanks to the diverse and on-going commitments by our contributors, AfricanAntitrust is considered the leading resource tracking competition law developments across the continent. AfricanAntitrust has, over the past number of years published numerous articles, updates and expression pieces by numerous contributors both in an effort to ensure our readership remains up to date on all regulatory developments in Africa, and also to stimulate robust debate on competition policy and enforcement across the continent.

Developing countries have unique socio-economic issues and market dynamics which many have argued justify a unique approach to the role competition law policy should play.

The editors at AfricanAntitrust were, therefore, particularly interested in the book authored by well-known Professor, Eleanor Fox and co-author Mor Bakhoum . AAT is honoured to have been requested to provide a book review and indebited to John Oxenham, Andreas Stargard and Michael-James Currie for their commentary below.

The book’s title Making Markets Work for Africa: Markets, Developments and Competition Law in Sub-Saharan Africa provides significant insight into its subject matter and the topics covered. As an introductory remark, the content provides a concise but necessary introduction to the social, political and economic challenges which underpin most sub-Saharan jurisdictions. Readers who may not be familiar with the jurisdictions covered in the book will find this useful for purposes of contextualising the competition policy debate and the nuances which underpin this debate.

After sketching an overview of the economic and political background, the authors go on to detail the relevant competition laws and the application thereof across the sub-Saharan jurisdictions.

The authors have, usefully, selected certain key enforcement activities in each of the jurisdictions covered in an effort to demonstrate the robustness of the respective agencies’ enforcement activities.

The authors then do a neat job of teeing up the crux of the debate, should competition law in developing countries converge towards a ‘global standard’ (which in this context refers primarily to US and EU precedent) or rather, do market and socio-political challenges which are often unique to most sub-Saharan countries, require a different set of rules, benchmarks or policy outlooks to competition policy and enforcement. In this regard, the authors provide a useful platform for debate among competition lawyers, economists, academics and law makers alike.

The book was not intended to provide a complete and robust assessment of the multitude of policy options available when developing competition law. Further, the authors have elected not to engage in a highly technical critique or assessment of the key decisions which have shaped competition policy across the African continent. Rather, the authors highlight the need to consider and debate different policies.

The authors correctly highlight South Africa as the “golden standard” insofar as competition law enforcement in developing countries is concerned – particularly in relation to the role of public interest enforcement in merger reviews. The authors discuss the seminal case in this regard, namely the Walmart/Massmart merger, as the foundation from which numerous subsequent mergers have been approved subject to public interest related conditions.

While the Walmart/Massmart merger was finally approved in 2013, the authors may consider, in subsequent editions, whether the substantial litigation and interventionist risks which are inherent in assessing public interest factors in competition law enforcement (particularly merger control) can be quantified. A departure from traditional competition law standards and precedent, particularly with the introduction of subjective considerations, is likely to increase the scope for litigation and interventionist strategies which may hinder the very objectives sought to be advanced.

The authors do, however, recognise that when assessing competition policy, one must consider the objectives of the policy against its practical enforcement – particularly in light of the principle of rule of law and sound economic analysis. The book certainly does not profess to ignore these and at numerous instances expressly or implicitly acknowledges that a transparent and objective competition enforcement regime is critical.

With the “hipster antitrust” movement ostensibly gaining traction in the US and EU, South Africa (and indirectly Africa more generally) it would appear there is a more mainstream deviation from traditional competition law enforcement. It certainly suggests a uniform standard in competition policy may become even more difficult to sustain. Alternatively, it may be the inherent complexity and trade-offs which are always at play in developing competition policy which may in fact necessitate a form of convergence. The authors give some insight into these trade-offs and the various factors which legislators and practitioners should take into account.

The authors also raise a number of issues which are often left out of the policy debate, yet play a crucial role in the efficacy of competition law enforcement in developing countries.

Factors such as political interference, corruption (as an overarching concern) and the limited resources available to many African competition agencies contribute to certain markets remaining inaccessible to new entrants and preclude efficiencies from materialising to the benefit of consumers. The authors point out, quite correctly, that judgments or decisions by agencies are often entirely devoid of substantive reasons let alone robust economic analysis.

The above recognition further reinforces the need for objectivity and transparency in developing competition enforcement regime.

Finally, readers will find the authors’ discussion on the regional blocs in Africa (COMESA, SADC, EAC) and explore the level of harmonisation between these regional blocs and their respective members states.

The timing of the book in this regard could not be more apposite in light of the current negotiations regarding a uniform African competition policy as contemplated by the African Continental Free Trade Agreement.

We congratulate the authors on this important and well researched text.

 

CRESSE CONFERENCE GREECE 2019: SOUTH AFRICAN AMENDMENT ACT

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Africanantitrust regular contributors John Oxenham, Michael-James Currie and Stephany Torres (Primerio and Nortons Inc) authored and presented a paper on the role of non-competition law factors in competition law enforcement at the 2019 CRESSE Conference in Rhodes Island, Greece in early July 2019.

Motivated by the recent, but significant, amendments to South Africa’s Competition Act, the timing of the authors’ paper could not have been better scripted. The Amendment Act was brought into effect on 12 July 2019 – a week after presenting the paper to an esteemed delegation of competition law practitioners and economists.

The paper, titled “South African Competition Law – The role of non-competition factors in enforcing unilateral conduct: Forging ahead or falling behind?” explores the socio-economic context and objectives which underpin the recent amendments to South Africa’s legislation and highlights the expansion of what is often termed “public interest” considerations in competition law enforcement beyond merger control.

Most notably, the authors contextualise the policy debate before providing an in-depth discussion of the new thresholds and standards against which certain abuse of dominance conduct will now be assessed.

The Amendment Act introduces a public interest standard, namely what the effect of certain conduct by dominant entities will have on the ability of “small, medium businesses and businesses owned by previously disadvantaged persons” to participate effectively in the market”.

Looking specifically at the price discrimination and buyer power provisions, the paper notes that, notwithstanding the noble objectives of the Amendment Act, there are potentially a number of unintended consequences which require further deliberation so as not to dampen pro-competitive conduct.

In relation to the price discrimination provisions, the authors conclude that:

“Accordingly, in light of:

  • the low market share threshold applicable to “dominant” entities;
  • the uncertainty regarding the threshold that must be met in order to sustain a case of prohibited price discrimination;
  • the evidentiary burden on a respondent to essentially prove a negative in relation to section 9(3); and
  • the threat of an administrative penalty for a first-time offence (potentially on both the South African business and its parent),

the price discrimination provisions pose a material risk to companies in South Africa who have a market share above 35%.”

As part of the presentation of the paper, it was noted that competition policy globally is constantly evolving. Issues such as “big data” and “data protection” have called on antitrust commentators to question whether the existing laws remain adequate to address broader consumer harm concerns. In South Africa, the authors point out that while the South African competition agencies have traditionally turned to European and US precedent in relation to antitrust enforcement, the socio-economic factors which have shaped competition policy in South Africa (at least from Government’s perspective) is unique and constitutes a substantial departure from more established jurisdictions.

Competition policy globally is, therefore, likely to be more divergent than convergent in the next few years.

In concluding, the authors point to the inordinate responsibility placed on the shoulders of the competition agencies in South Africa to exercise their discretion and develop a body of precedent as soon as possible that would hopefully provide practitioners and business with a more objective and transparent benchmark against which to assess their conduct. A task which could prove highly complex as the authorities will inevitable need to develop an objective basis for quantifying public interest considerations – an inherently subjective exercise.

To obtain a copy of the paper, please email the AAT editor by following the contact link below.

 

 

 

 

 

Beyond Pure Competition Law – Is Africa Leading the Way Forward in Antitrust Enforcement?

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To all our Africanantitrust followers, please take note of the upcoming American Bar Association webinar on 2 July 2019 (11amET/4pmUK/5pm CET) titled:

“Beyond Pure Competition Law – Is Africa Leading the Way Forward in Antitrust Enforcement?”

In what promises to be a highly topical (telecon) panel discussion, Eleanor Fox, Andreas Stargard, John Oxenham, Amira Abdel Ghaffar and Anthony Idigbe will:

  • provide critical commentary of the most recent developments in antitrust policy across the African continent;
  • highlight the most significant legislative amendments and enforcement activities in Africa; and
  • analyze some of the key enforcement decisions.

South Africa, Nigeria, Egypt, COMESA and Kenya are among the key jurisdictions under the microscope.

Practitioners, agency representatives, academics and anyone who is an antitrust enthusiast will find this webinar to be of great interest. Not to mention companies actually active or looking to enter the African market place.

For details on how to participate, please follow this Link

 

 

 

 

 

 

ECOWAS creates functional antitrust commission

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While the ECOWAS competition regime is not new in and of itself (it was adopted in 2008), the actual operationalization of the ECOWAS Regional Competition Authority (ERCA) is — its inaugural ceremony in took place this past Tuesday in The Gambia, 11 years after its technical launch (although it was established jointly with the adoption of the ECOWAS competition legislation, it remained non-operational for over a decade).  Its mission is to enforce the multi-national body’s Regional Competition Policy Framework (RCPF).

ERCA’s efforts will be supported by the twin launch of the ECOWAS technical committee meeting of national  trade and competition representatives to assist in implementing the RCP, including both its competition/antitrust as well as consumer protection mandates.

ERCA is a specialized, autonomous quasi-judicial body designed to help promote regional economic growth and competitiveness in the ECOWAS common market.

Andreas Stargard, a competition law practitioner with a focus on African antitrust issues, noted that the ECOWAS rules, while not enforced in practice until now, will reflect more of a European approach to competition regulation, as “they include provisions to evaluate and render invalid certain types of governmental support for domestic champion companies and industries, akin to the EU model of ‘state aid’ rules, which do not always form part of antitrust regimes globally.  This makes sense, in our view, in the African context, however, as most domestic economies on the continent have long been subject to state-owned monopoly enterprises and so-called national champions — one need not look further than the various large African state-owned airlines, for example.”

He concluded that two key issues remain to be seen, once ERCA launches its first investigations and brings enforcement actions: “First, with the increasing number of regional enforcers, how will jurisdictional overlaps be resolved, both regional/national, as well as regional/regional, conflict?  Many ECOWAS members are also part of other African multi-national organizations that have some form of competition or consumer protection regulations as part of their mandate, such as the west African monetary union.  Second, what will the be the degree — if any — of ‘public interest’ considerations that may be in play for the 15-member state body’s antitrust enforcement, perhaps copying many of its African sister commissions’ approach…”

Time will tell…

Minister Ebrahim Patel will no longer be a Member of Parliament: What does this mean for Competition Policy in South Africa?

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According to recent reports, Minister of the Department of Economic Development, Ebrahim Patel, will not be sworn in as a member of Parliament despite initially being listed on the African National Congress’ (ANC) Members of Parliament list.

[see https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2019-05-15-ebrahim-patel-and-senzeni-zokwana-fail-to-make-it-back-to-parliament/%5D

Since Cyril Ramaphosa was voted as the ANC’s President, and hence South Africa’s President, there had been increasing speculation regarding where Minister Patel would complement Ramaphosa’s economic policies. With many political commentators initially expected Ramaphosa to relieve Patel of his position as the Minister of Economic Development soon after taking over the presidency reins, it appeared that Patel had convinced Ramaphosa that he was an integral part of the team. Patel even accompanied Ramaphosa as part of the “special economic envoy” on a series of international road shows promoting and encouraging foreign investment in South Africa.

At this stage it is not clear what the reasons are for Patel not forming part of the ANC’s list of Members of Parliament (a prerequisite to serving as a Cabinet Minister unless Patel serves as one of the two non-MP’s allowed to serve in Cabinet) ). Following the national elections on 8 May 2019, however, Ramaphosa has indicated that he is intent on reducing the size of the Cabinet which would necessarily require various government departments and portfolios to be consolidated. It may be that the Department of Economic Development (EDD) is consolidated with the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI). If this were the case, the South African competition authorities would then also fall under the auspices of the DTI and no longer under the EDD. Many of our readers may recall that the competition authorities previously fell under the policy stewardship of the DTI.

While it may be too early to speculate what the ramifications of Patel’s departure could mean for competition policy and enforcement in South Africa, John Oxenham, director at Primerio, says that “Minister Patel was one of the key proponents behind elevating the role of public interest considerations in merger control. The minister’s intervention in numerous transactions, particularly international deals has resulted in public interest conditions, the scope and nature of which, pushed the outer most limits of what is appropriate in competition policy when assessed against international standards”.

Minister Patel’s reputation for engaging in robust opposition to mergers prompted Ab-Inbev directors to engage directly with Patel rather than the Competition Commission in order to secure public interest related conditions which would placate the Minister – all in the hope of ensuring that the transaction sales through the merger control process unchallenged. Which it largely did.

Fellow competition lawyer, Michael-James Currie, says that another key element of Patel’s departure relates to the Competition Amendment Act which was signed into law by President Ramaphosa in February 2019. Currie says that “although the Act has been signed into law, the enforcement of a number of the provisions of the Amendment Act remains unclear. For example, there are draft guidelines published in relation to the “price discrimination” and “buyer power” provisions of the Amendment Act which completely do away with any standard of “adverse effect on competition” and even the “consumer welfare” standard is of no relevance when small, medium or historically disadvantaged persons may be affected. Currie says Patel’s departure may spark a fresh round of debate and submissions in relation to the draft regulations. Submissions which previously appeared to largely be ignored by Patel.”

Oxenham echoes Currie’s sentiments and is of the view that the Amendment Act, which was largely driven by Patel, may ultimately be interpreted and enforced by the competition agencies in a manner which is more consistent with international best practice. Of course, this would depend on who replaces Patel and whether there is a different policy view as to the role of competition law in South Africa by Patel’s successor.

A key concern raised by numerous commentators is that the subjectivity of public interest assessments together with the increasing intervention by the executive to extract non-merger specific public interest related conditions, particularly in foreign transactions, does little to boost South Africa’s image as being open to foreign investment.

While the on-going debate of the role of public interest considerations in merger control will continue well beyond Patel’s tenure as Minister of the EDD, the entire South African competition community will be watching closely Ramaphosa’s final Cabinet announcement as this would likely be the clearest indication of whether we could expect a material policy direction change fin South Africa insofar as competition law enforcement is concerned.