Some COMESA Merger-Control Musings on the Latest Notification

COMESA Competition Commission logo

It’s been a little while since we last published a note on COMESA.  When there is little substantive news to report, statistics often yield a topic to write about.  And so it is with COMESA.  The statistic at hand: On Monday, 18. November 2013, the Competition Commission announced that it had received its tenth merger notification.

Here are a few observations on the deal (Total Egypt LLC/Chevron Egypt SAE & Total/Beltone Capital Holdings) that spring to mind:

  1. Geography: While the recitals fail to mention any common-market dimension of the transaction, it seems to be centered on COMESA member state Egypt.  On the face of it, this appears to be an Egyptian deal, and as we have become accustomed to, it is hard to infer from the published information what the nexus to the common market is.
  2. Repeat party: The notified deal involves a repeat customer of the CCC, namely the oil & energy company Total.  A different Total subsidiary had filed for (and has since obtained) approval of another transaction in March: the previous Total/Shell deal, also centered on Egypt, was notified in July.  To our knowledge, Total is the first repeat COMESA-notifying party in the CCC’s history.  This may well be a positive sign for the CCC.
  3. Two-for-One, please! The CCC observes in its November 18th notice that it actually received one single notification for de facto two transactions: the Chevron and the Beltone deal.  But the parties were quick to point out – smartly so, some would say – that the deals were closely “interrelated” and therefore should be treated as one transaction for purposes of COMESA review.  Bottom line: only one notification = only one merger filing fee (!) to pay, which can, as we know, easily hit the half-million dollar mark.  In the end, the CCC bought the argument and allowed the parties to make only one single notification.
  4. Overall statistics: 11 months and 10 merger notifications.  That equals less than 1 filing per month.  With such a low number, the CCC is certainly not on track to beat other young competition-law enforcers’ merger stats (such as India’s Competition Commission, which has received an average of over 5 notifications per month since its inception two years ago).
  5. Flying under the radar: Combine Point 4 above (low filing statistics) with the zero-threshold and low nexus requirements that trigger a COMESA merger notification, and the following question inevitably comes to mind: With such low thresholds, and the certain existence of commercial deal activity going on in the COMESA zone, why are there so few notifications?  Are parties simply ignoring the notification mandate?  And if so, what is the CCC — an enforcement agency, after all — doing about this?
  6. Cute or lax? As with other official documents on the CCC’s web site, even this mere 2-pager contains what appears to be an unintended inclusion of internal CCC notes that the agency failed to delete prior to publication.  It reads as follows: “[these abbreviations are not explained anywhere above].”  Someone forgot to review the [short] notice, which has been up for 3 days now, and which does diminish the appearance of professionalism.  More importantly, it calls into question the ability of the agency to edit its own documents carefully, redact properly, and thus its capability to maintain the confidentiality of party or non-party submissions.  Quoth the Raven: “I wish to assure you that all the information you will make available to the Commission shall be treated with the strictest confidentiality and will only be used for the purpose of this inquiry,” as the standard closing CCC paragraph goes…
In conclusion, the most important practical tip for parties contemplating deals in the COMESA region is perhaps the upshot of Point 3 above: Get a package deal! There is now precedent that the CCC permits such combined notifications, which should allow parties to wrap multiple transactions into one lower-cost filing, thereby avoiding what I am calling in an upcoming article the CCC’s “(Pricey) Tollbooth on the African Merger Interstate“…

Resisting price controls in S.A. health-care markets

south_africa

BusinessDay Live reports on competition-law related remarks made by Anthony Norton at the annual conference of the Hospital Association of South Africa in Cape Town this week.

The newspaper quotes Mr. Norton as counseling against regulating prices in private healthcare, opposing the calls made by the South African Department of Health for such regulation:

“It seems a contradiction in terms that the competition authority, which has a mandate of pursuing free and fair competition in markets with one set of tools, would simultaneously intervene in markets through price setting. … It will be critical for the credibility of the findings that everybody who participates in the process feels that it has been fair, objective and impartial.”

The remarks come ahead of the start of the pre-announced healthcare market inquiry by the country’s antitrust watchdog, the South African Competition Commission, whose findings are expected to be published by the end of 2014.

Another call for Competition Law in Nigeria: Privatization of Electricity

The Privatization of the Electricity Sector in Nigeria

By Chinwe Chiwete
nigeria
The full implementation of the Electric Power Sector Reform has been a key priority for the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan in Nigeria. As noted in the Roadmap for Power Sector Reform, for over two decades, the stalled expansion of Nigeria’s grid capacity, combined with the high cost of diesel and petrol generation has crippled the growth of the country’s productive and commercial industries. The Federal Government was therefore determined to pursue the fundamental changes to the ownership, control and regulation of the sector as outlined in the National Electric Power Policy (2001) and enshrined in the Electric Power Sector Reform (EPSR) Act of 2005.

The power sector reform was structured into several phases starting with the creation of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) as the holding company of the assets of the defunct NEPA. The PHCN was subsequently unbundled into 18 successor companies which paved the way for the privatization program. On the 30th September 2013, the Federal Government formally handed over the unbundled Power Holdings Company of Nigeria, PHCN, to private organizations that bought it. Licenses and share certificates were handed over to these investors, an event which has ushered in a new beginning for Nigerians.

With the entrance of private players into the power sector, the possibility of market manipulation and other abuses cannot be overruled; consequently, consumers need to be adequately protected from these private sectors who are essentially profit driven. Till date, the Nigerian Competition Bill is yet to be passed into law meaning that competition related issues in the power sector will be regulated by the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC or Commission) as the regulator of the power sector established under the EPSR Act. The EPSR Act empowered the NERC to monitor the Nigeria electricity supply industry with regards to its potential for additional competition and to monitor electricity businesses and markets to determine whether there is or may be an abuse of market power and where such exist take the appropriate actions which include issuing a cease order and imposing fines.

Clearly Nigeria seems to be adopting more of sector regulation of competition as against speeding up actions on the pending Competition Bill. This can also be seen from other existing laws for example, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) regulates competition in terms of mergers and acquisitions as provided under the Investments and Securities Act 2007 (ISA) while the National Communication Commission (NCC) regulates competition in the telecommunication sector. Even though sector regulation may sometimes be necessary particularly for issues peculiar to that sector, there are disadvantages one of which is that the government may be less inclined to promulgate the pending Competition Bill which will leave many vital sectors unregulated. In addition, one foresees a case of over-regulation for certain sectors in the event that Competition Law finally comes into force. To address the possible conflict and power tussle between these sectoral regulators and the Commission created by the Competition Bill, the Federal Competition Bill at least made a comforting provision to the effect that the Commission created under the Bill will coordinate the activities of sectoral regulators as they relate to, or may impact on, competition with a view to maintaining coherence in policy implementation.

The privatisation exercises no doubt hold many advantages for Nigerians; however, more harm will be done if these private sectors are not well regulated. The way forward still remains for Nigeria to have a Competition Law as the basic legal framework upon which other sector regulations can build upon.

Antitrust plaintiff-focussed symposium goes off-topic, turns racial

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Race becomes issue at competition-law conference in South Africa

According to several reports, the issue of race came to the fore during a discussion of illegal cartel conduct in South Africa at a recently held plaintiffs’ firm symposium (organised by Hausfeld LLP and Abrahams Kiewitz).  Quoting from Amanda Visser’s BDLive article entitled “Cartels blamed on white men in dark suits” (23 Oct. 2013):

The Black Business Council has come out against cartels in South Africa, with CEO Xolani Qubeka, blaming the practice on “highly educated white male executives in dark suits”.

Mr Qubeka’s comments at a symposium on cartel collusion came after the recent outcry over collusion and cartel activities in the construction industry.

… Mr Qubeka said the Black Business Council aims not only to rid the country of collusive behaviour, but also to instigate criminal cases against the key architects, masquerading as corporate managers, who are committing fraud.

“Consumers in South Africa cannot continue to be abused by highly educated white male executives in dark suits who lock themselves in dark rooms plotting how they can maximise their wealth through self-serving fraudulent schemes against the entire nation,” he said.

Sounds like the infamous old saying about equating cartels to men in smoke-filled back rooms” — only with more incendiary overtones… Ironically, the speaker Mr. Qubeka (who did not complete high school and is an outspoken critic of the S.A. Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) agenda, according to a May 2013 Sunday Times profile and other articles) used to be a Director of South African telecommunications giant MTN — a corporation that has had its own fair share of competition-based complaints and investigations, as we have reported on this blog.

We observe that the conference-sponsoring Hausfeld firm has historically been perceived as opposing racism and, indeed, has helped pursue claims (including pro bono matters) on behalf of groups suffering from discrimination, such as Holocaust survivors.  The firm is currently involved in more traditional plaintiff litigation matters in South Africa, including several miners’ class-action lawsuits against their employers, AngloGold Ashanti  Limited (formerly Anglo American), Harmony Gold Mining Company Limited, and Goldfields Limited (based on diseases allegedly contracted by the class members).  The firm is also involved, again jointly with Abrahams’, in the bread price-fixing class action in South Africa.

Michael Hausfeld
Source: Getty Images via ZIMBIO

AfricanAntitrust.com has an unwritten policy of not commenting on issues irrelevant to antitrust or competition law (that would be: race) and instead staying on topic (that would be: antitrust and competition law).

So: no comment from us on this one…

South Africa’s mobile operators under attack for discriminatory “on-net” pricing

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Cell C (one of South Africa’s top 3 mobile telecommunications providers) has filed a complaint against competitors MTN and Vodacom with the Competition Commission, according to its press statement dated October 9, 2013

What appears to be the crux of the Cell C complaint is a predatory pricing argument against MTN and Vodacom — a type of claim that is, generally speaking, not an easy one to make.  Complaining to an antitrust regulator or a court that a rival is charging too low a price for competing services is generally a no-go of an antitrust argument.  You are essentially telling the judge: “my rivals out-compete me! Help me raise prices!

To make out a successful case for truly anti-competitive predatory conduct, you would normally (e.g., in the U.S. or in the EU) have to prove (1) dominance, (2) true below-cost pricing (the economic measure of which is subject to debate, on top of that), (3) a likelihood of success in the subsequent recoupment of any losses incurred, and potentially, depending on your jurisdiction, (4) predatory intent by the dominant firm.

Interestingly, the complaint may have received well-timed (or perhaps too well-timed?) support from the South African Independent Communications Authority (ICA).  The ICA recently announced plans to reduce the so-called “mobile termination rates” by 75%, from 40 to 10 South African cents within 2 years.  This would, we expect, reduce the current differential between on- and off-rate calls.

This of course bodes well for Cell C, as the company has openly stated its desire, according to another report, for “a flat rate” i.e., termination rates of zero.  In its October 11, 2013, proposal to cut termination rates drastically, the ICA tellingly concludes “that competition in the wholesale voice call termination markets … is ineffective owing to inefficient pricing.”  (Draft Regulation at section 5.)  The regulator purportedly used the hypothetical monopolist test to define and evaluate the relevant markets.  Violations of the proposed rate reductions would carry penalties of Rand 500,000 to R1m.

Vodacom is the largest S.A. mobile carrier by number of subscribers, ahead of MTN and Cell C.  MTN — itself no stranger to these blog pages — is the dominant mobile carrier on the African continent, however, and has been accused previously of leveraging its power elsewhere to gain or maintain dominance in other jurisdictions.

According to an article that appeared in the South African journal MoneyWeb, Cell C’s CEO Alan Knott-Craig has complained publicly at an industry conference that its competitors (Vodacom and MTN) are abusing their purported dominant market positions with far lower on-net call rates than off-net rates (i.e., rates to numbers outside the proprietary mobile network).

According to the complainant’s press statement, the key argument “relates to the manner in which the dominant incumbents discriminate between their on-net and off-net effective prices, which has a dramatic and direct impact on smaller operators’ ability to acquire new customers.  The two dominant incumbents discount their effective on-net prices substantially while charging a premium for their customers to call off-net. This amounts to discriminatory pricing and is without doubt anti-competitive when adopted by dominant operators.”

South Africa- Supreme Court of Appeal upholds Competition Commission appeal relating to investigatory powers

The Supreme Court of Appeal (the “SCA”) upheld an appeal against a judgment of the Competition Appeal Court invalidating a complaint referred to the Competition Tribunal (the “Tribunal”) by the Competition Commission (the “Commission”) against cartel activity allegedly entered into by Yara South Africa (Pty) Ltd (“Yara”) and Omnia Fertilizer Ltd (“Omnia”).

The dispute in this matter arose out of a complaint lodged with the Commission, citing Sasol Chemical Industries Proprietary’ (“Sasol”) for imposing unfair price increases in respect of certain raw materials it supplied to the complainant company. The complainant elaborated upon its complaint by way of an affidavit which explained the price increases with reference to a cartel which Sasol was alleged to have entered into with Yara and Omnia. Pursuant to the complaint, the Commission conducted an investigation which confirmed both the price increase allegations made against Sasol and the claims of cartel activity made against Sasol, Omnia and Yara. As a result, the Commission referred the complaints relating to both price increases and cartel activity to the Tribunal for adjudication.

The legality of this referral formed the substance of the dispute. Omnia argued that the initial complaint brought to the Commission was directed against Sasol alone and, further, was limited to Sasol’s conduct as it related to price increases. Omnia disputed the lawfulness of the referral insofar as the Commission had, under the auspices of the original complaint directed at Sasol, sought to refer Omnia’s conduct to the Tribunal absent a separate complaint initiation. Omnia contended that, in order for the referral of this further complaint to have been lawful, it ought to have been separately initiated by the Commission.

The SCA confirmed Omnia’s position, and that the complaint referred to the Tribunal indeed extended beyond the cause of action raised by the original complaint. However, the SCA went further and stated that complaints made by private persons may well trigger separate complaints and, in such cases, the Commission need only decide to initiate a new complaint, investigate that complaint and, if appropriate, refer that complaint to the Tribunal. The SCA confirmed that the process may be both informal and tacit. Further, should the Commission already have enough information to warrant a referral, the intervening investigation can be cursory. The SCA found that the requirements for valid initiation and referral had been satisfied on the facts of this case.

The SCA’s decision will embolden the Commission to proceed with a number of complaint referrals which were left pending the outcome of the matter.

Potential strike at S. Afr. Competition Commission? SA union calls on minister to intervene

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South African workers’ union NEHAWU has called on Minister of Economic Development Ebrahim Patel to undertake several actions related to the Competition Commission in order to avert a strike amongst its workers.

The National Education Health & Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) has been a rather vocal critic of the South African Competition Commission and its management in the past.  They now cite the high turnover rate at the Commission as evidentiary support for their claims that the Commission is not “following proper procedures and the flouting of the Commission’s internal policies“.  Among the former Commission staff who have reportedly left are “former Deputy Commissioner and the Chief Economist,” as well as “several other divisional managers, including the Chief Financial Officer.”

Among the union’s current demands on the minister to remedy the purportedly dire situation at the Commission are the following:

  • The reinstatement of two employees that have been unfairly suspended from work in a manner which is inconsistent with the policies of the Competition Commission.
  • The call for the minister to intervene to stop the acts of victimisation and abuse of power by managers at the CC.
  • Call on the minister to open the appointment of the new Deputy Commissioners.
  • Call on the minister to ensure that the correct recruitment processes and policies are followed in the appointment of senior managers.
  • Call on the minister to make the outcomes of his two investigations into corporate governance at the Competition Commission available to employees.
  • Call on the minister to respond to complaints lodged with him against the Competition Commissioner and management.

NEHAWU claims that it represents “over 70% of the employees of the Commission” has threatened to “explore our legal options including a possible withdrawal of our labour”.

UPDATED: COMESA Competition Commission reported to have selected consultancy for review of Guideliens

COMESA Competition Commission logo

NOTE (10 Sept. 2013): Responding to this blog post written yesterday (below), Mr. Willard Mwemba contacted me and kindly clarified that (1) the CCC had not yet appointed or otherwise selected a consultant and (2) the review process is centered on the COMESA competition Regulations and not the Guidelines.

According to an article that appeared on 6 September 2013 in BusinessDay/BDLive, the head of COMESA CCC‘s merger unit Willard Mwemba has revealed that the CCC has supposedly already chosen the consultancy tasked with aiding the agency in revamping its competition regulations.

The article states: “He said they have already appointed a consultant to address the critical questions.”  The remarks were reportedly made at this year’s seventh annual conference on competition law, economics and policy hosted by the South African Competition Commission in Johannesburg.

If true — i.e., if the CCC has indeed already selected a team of consultants to support its (commendable) effort to review and evaluate its own competition-related Regulationsthis would directly contravene the stated deadline of 30 September 2013 for submission of bids (para. 10.9 in the RFP) for said tender (RFP No. CCC/30-08-2013/1).  See our prior reporting here.

It remains to be seen whether this is the case, or whether the task of “address[ing] the critical questions” mentioned by Mr. Mwemba is in fact a distinct project from the one that is the subject of the formal Request for Proposal issued by the CCC(Note: This is now clarified, as per the headline above, as Mr. Mwemba has explained that the BDLive article misquoted his statement.)

“Crossing the Competition Rubicon”: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA

John Oxenham & Andreas Stargard

(PDF of article as published in Concurrences)

Crossing the Competition Rubicon: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA

As published in HORIZONS / Concurrences Law Journal (vol. 03-2013) Institute of Competition Law, re-published under licence.

English Abstract: Antitrust publications were abuzz with “COMESA” in recent months. Yet, neither the decades-old pan-African organisation nor its Competition Regulations are novel. What’s new is that COMESA’s Competition Commission has finally — and suddenly — opened its doors and begun operations, already having reviewed two merger filings. This paper examines the economic advantages of COMESA for the region, analyses its role as a multi-national enforcement body, and identifies the pitfalls the agency will face in its inaugural year.
French Abstract: Les publications en droit de la concurrence étaient en effervescence avec « COMESA » ces derniers mois. Pourtant ni l’organisation pan-africaine, ni ses règlements concurrence ne sont nouveaux. Ce qu’il y a de nouveau, c’est que la Commission de la Concurrence du COMESA a finalement — et tout à coup — ouvert ses portes et a commencé ses opérations, ayant déjà examiné deux dossiers de fusion. Cet article examine les avantages économiques qu’offre COMESA pour la région, il analyse son rôle en tant qu’organe d’exécution multinational, et il identifie les pièges dont devra faire face la CCC durant sa première année.

Introduction

1. The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa has recently grabbed international legal headlines. Its acronymic title, COMESA, now firmly features in the awareness of most competition lawyers. The organisation is not new, however, nor are its Competition Rules and Regulations. The multi-national body itself dates back at least twenty years, and the Regulations were finalised and (technically) entered into force in 2004.

2. Why all the ruckus in 2013 then ? The reason is straight-forward : Antitrust law does not self-execute. It needs an enforcer, public or private. That enforcement agency now exists.

I. Alea iacta est: A new supranational competition authority is born

3. For the past decade of the Competition Regulations’ theoretical existence, they dwelled in the nether region of unenforced laws – their Article 18 prohibition on abuse of dominance effectively had equal legal footing as the rule against a pedestrian jaywalking at a red stoplight : with no policeman in sight, either goes unpunished.

4. COMESA crossed the “missing policeman” rubicon on 14 January 2013, when the Competition Commission (“CCC”) saw the light of day. With the advent of its operation – as well as that of the supervisory body, its Board of Commissioners – also comes the enforcement of the full spectrum of competition legislation embodied in the Regulations (merger control, unilateral conduct, cartels, and so on). Its impact will be felt by economic actors across an area spanning 19 member states, 12 million km2 and a population of over 389 million [1].

5. The basics of the COMESA Regulations and the CCC’s powers are already well-documented elsewhere and do not merit repetition here. Instead, this paper is focussed on two broader policy points : (1) the law’s potential beneficial impact on the region as a whole ; and (2) the pitfalls and prospects of successful execution by the CCC. As the CCC has seemingly (and with good reason) done, we emphasise first and foremost the new merger-control regime, rather than other vertical and horizontal restrictive practices that are also, in principle, within the agency’s enforcement powers but remain entirely untested for now.

6. The new competition regime has not emerged without escaping criticism in the press and in law firms’ client alerts. Certain aspects of the feedback are particularly noteworthy, as they may have a fatal impact on the merger-control regime and indeed could render it unworkable in practice. The two key reproaches levied are (1) the “zero threshold” for mergers to be notified, and (2) that a two-party transaction must be notified even though one of the firms has no nexus to the COMESA market at all. In effect, were the COMESA merger provisions taken literally, “all” transactions falling within the ambit of a notifiable merger, regardless of how small or how removed from the common market area, would be notifiable under penalty of 10% of the merging parties’ turnover in the Common Market [2].

7. The CCC has already indicated, however, that it will address these issues in its final Guidelines and, potentially, in revisions to the Regulations themselves. Its willingness to adapt – hopefully swiftly – is commendable. It must change its initial broad-brush notification approach to accommodate the reality that the purchase of a competing road-side lemonade stand by another juice vendor in Nairobi is simply not a competitive concern justifying the legal mandate for formal notification with a multi-national antitrust authority. Compliance with ICN Recommended Practices I.A and I.B is fundamental for a pragmatic solution and, not least, to forestall the facile spread of misconceptions about the CCC’s perceived mission as well as, frankly, the danger of international ridicule [3].

8. In addition to the criticism levelled against it by third-party observers, the CCC has also sustained an early blow from within, as there has been a jurisdictional tug-of-war between the CCC and Kenya (notably a COMESA member state). The fairly little-noticed matter involves the control of acquisition of shares, interest or assets among local firms in Kenya. Uncertainty as to who the responsible regulatory authority was for such intra-country dealmakers has resulted in the Kenyan Attorney General issuing an opinion giving the Competition Authority of Kenya (CAK) authority to act as the sole agency with the mandate to clear “local” mergers and acquisitions. It shields local firms from the COMESA regime as far as purely domestic transactions are concerned. The CCC’s formal letter response to a contemporaneous blog posting by the authors on the dispute highlights the risk posed by vaguely worded filing requirements as far as “local” mergers are concerned : “[I]t is our considered view that CAK has failed to comprehend the advice by the Attorney-General which … specifically states that CAK shall continue to exercise its jurisdiction on local mergers and acquisitions. It is our understanding (…) [he] has not referred to merger transactions with regional dimension. This is the correct position” [4].

9. Regardless of the outside criticism and internal jurisdictional skirmish, at least two mergers have already been notified to the CCC as of the writing of this article, and others are underway. By comparison to another “newborn” merger authority’s performance – the Indian CCI, which was created in June 2011 – these numbers are arguably on the low end. The CCI saw a total of 51 and 62 merger filings in each of its first two years, respectively. At the CCC’s current pace, it will likely not surpass a dozen notifications in its inaugural year, although we view the first four months since its inception as non-indicative of future filings and anticipate that the rate will increase significantly.

II. Measuring COMESA’s success

10. To create a functioning, universally respected, supra-national competition authority ex nihilo is neither easy nor enviable, and to measure its success at only the half-year mark of its existence would be premature. Therefore, a perhaps more meaningful analysis of the short history of the CCC’s performance should focus on other benchmarks than the insufficient merger statistics that are available as of now. We identify some cognisable waypoints below, which may guide future evaluation of the CCC’s performance.

1. Best practices

11. The CCC’s release of formal Guidelines – dealing with, inter alia, such expected topics as merger control and market definition, as well as uniquely region-focussed topics such as the public interest criterion of the COMESA Regulations – has provided welcome and early guidance to businesses and competition practitioners alike. What’s more, the Guidelines’ pre-release in draft form, and the CCC’s concomitant request for public comment, conforms to international best practices for competition agencies and has allowed international commentators and global bodies (such as the American Bar Association) to provide valuable insight ex ante, before it is “too late” and enforcement blunders occur. It is too early to determine the extent to which the public comments will be taken into account and the Guidelines tweaked, however.

12. In addition, while simple in principle, it is hard to overstate the value inherent in clear, English-language agency documentation, made available on a professional, functioning, and well-designed web interface. The CCC offers all of the above, and fares well when compared to several of the more established competition agencies’ public profiles (including the clarity, updated nature, and accessibility of their documentation), in contrast to MOFCOM or other more senior agencies elsewhere.

13. In sum, the CCC’s pursuit of best practices from the get-go emphasises the overarching goal of “fairness” embedded in its basic charter, as well as its “ongoing efforts to clarify and publish guidance about its enforcement policies and practices” [5].

2. Organisational health

14. An enforcement agency is only as good as its enforcers, just as a law firm’s real capital is human in nature, consisting of its attorneys. That said, there does exist a benefit of having an enforcement body with a significant history and consistency of practice, regardless of present leadership, which is : institutional memory and resulting predictability for the outside practitioner of the agency’s enforcement actions and decisions. Here, this positive externality of having a long-lived authority with established practice is lacking.

15. The CCC is based in the administrative capital of Malawi, Lilongwe, and currently only fields eight staff members, which may be an issue if and when merger notifications increase. On the plus side, COMESA’s anticipated multi-national staffing portends longevity, institutional memory, and the potential for a – conceivably constructive and beneficial – “revolving door” staffing policy between NCAs and the CCC. Yet, with only two mergers notified to date and in light of its infancy, we view these criticisms as less relevant.

3. Regional enforcement and cohesion

16. One of the professed goals of COMESA’s CCC is to “achieve uniformity of interpretation and application of competition law and policy,” not only as part of its own enforcement within the CCC’s proper jurisdiction, but moreover “within the common market” as a whole [6]. In a region that has often lacked these features, such an approach is doubtless welcome. Based on the CCC’s pronouncements [7], the agency supports increased uniformity among member states’ domestic competition enforcement, in addition to its own exclusive enforcement over matters with a COMESA dimension per Article 3 of the Regulations.

17. One of the historical motivations for a pan-African competition enforcer was the realisation of member states that “with globalization, markets continued to extend beyond national boundaries and the national laws, and their enforcement institutions were no longer sufficient to deal with the new market problems of the region. To address these problems of enforcing multi-jurisdictional competition cases, a regional approach to the competition cases with regional coverage was found to be the solution.” [8]

18. Having a strong infrastructure in place has the potential to prevent pure competition policy and its application from descending into nationally politicised issues, as exemplified by anticompetitive government aid measures designed to prop up inefficient para-statal “domestic champion” enterprises.

4. Cost and time savings

19. The one-stop-shop concept which underlies the CCC’s raison d’être brings with it potential efficiencies of scope and scale, and is, in principle, a sound one. Its prime exponent is arguably one of the most successful multi-national competition enforcers, namely the EU Commission. Its current competition commissioner called it one “of the EU’s success stories making sure that consumers benefit from products and services to choose from at competitive prices whilst allowing companies to get their mergers reviewed swiftly.” [9] Today, over 70% of pre-notification referrals seek one-stop-shop review by the EU Commission in lieu of individual national filings.

20. As for the CCC, its merger mandate is similar, i.e., to enhance the efficiency of notification (one in lieu of potentially eight) and the consistency of review (obtaining one single outcome rather than potentially divergent results in different member countries). Moreover, its promise is to lower parties’ transaction costs : according to its own statement, the agency has already undertaken a “preliminary assessment” of the anticipated notification fees, concluding with the prediction that the cost of a COMESA filing will be “much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.” [10]

21. Taking this initial assessment at face value would be premature, however. The CCC admits that it “has not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons yet.” [11] Moreover, it is unclear from the CCC’s quoted statement whether the entire cost of notifying (including counsel fees, avoidance of duplication before multiple NCAs, and other opportunity-cost savings) is being reduced or merely the filing fees.

22. One potential procedural avenue to ensure lower average fees would be to introduce the equivalent of “short-form” notifications for transactions with little to no competitive concerns or nexi to any COMESA member state. Assuming the truth of the CCC’s assertion, however, it will be difficult for parties to squabble with expected cost savings that will slash their pre-merger legal expenditures by almost half.

23. Whether the CCC will have sufficient regulatory “bite” remains to be seen, as neither approval nor divestiture or prohibition decisions have been taken yet. It is noteworthy that the first parties to notify transactions to the CCC, however, have been highly reputable global electronics and pharmaceutical firms, respectively, represented by experienced competition counsel. Their decision to notify with the young and – at that moment still entirely untested – competition authority is, in our view, a vital sign of success for the CCC. Some observers at the EU in Brussels and at the OECD in Paris have called the high level of the pioneering notification a “stroke of luck” for the CCC, as the quality of the Philips/Funai deal will give pause to other foreign firms that may have otherwise chosen to ignore the COMESA regime. “Transaction No. 1” thus has the potential to provide the necessary initial bite to the virgin CCC’s regulatory jaw.

5. Other externalities benefitting the common market and its participants

24. A functioning antitrust regime is beneficial to economic actors at all levels, from producers and importers down to the end user [12]. With COMESA’s joinder of competition-law jurisdictions, that benefit accrues to the entire region, especially as only a minority of member states have an antitrust law at present, with varying levels of enforcement [13].

25. When considering investments in Sub-Saharan Africa, one thinks of a single jurisdiction (for example, South Africa or Botswana). A functioning CCC will result in international investors considering COMESA instead of individual member states, promoting cross-border investments and thus enhancing COMESA’s attractiveness and competitiveness within the region as a destination for foreign direct investment.

26. In this respect, the most important advantage realised by COMESA is, in principle, the elimination of multiple merger filings in various African jurisdictions in respect of a single transaction which results in a cross-border merger transaction. Accordingly, the COMESA one-stop-shop structure saves significant amounts of time and money, obviating the parties’ need to examine and comply with each individual member jurisdiction’s merger guidelines and regulations, not to speak of multiple filing fees for a single cross-border transaction.

27. The establishment of COMESA as a competition watchdog is largely welcomed in the region and appears to be on a promising international path, as well. Teething problems like thresholds, timing and jurisdictional reach are hopefully close to finalisation, which will provide greater clarity to merging parties. If the CCC and the Board manage the process of “righting the ship” well and in a timely fashion, we envisage that the COMESA competition regime will actually “enhance” the region’s economic attractiveness for both foreign and local investors, and will promote rather than stifle cross-border transactions.

III. Righting the ship : Finishing the river crossing

28. Balancing its economic and legal benefits with the CCC regime’s present shortcomings prompts the inevitable question what the implications are for future cross-border merger notifications. To realise its full potential of fostering regional growth, it is vital that the COMESA ship is righted urgently.

– Merger thresholds need to be revised, if not outright introduced, as it is plainly non-sensical to have a zero-turnover threshold. The CCC itself appears to recognize this crucial deficiency, as it claims that : “Small companies that fall below a given threshold will not need to undergo the authorisation process.” [14] Properly-scaled thresholds, i.e., thresholds that are appropriate for the region’s economy, will also permit the CCC to ensure an efficient allocation of enforcement resources, avoiding the risk of being flooded by de minimis merger-control filings that would otherwise require review.

– Article 23(3) of the Regulations implies that transactions would be notifiable to the Commission even if only one of the merging parties operates in two COMESA Member States and the other merging party does not operate in “any” COMESA Member State. This is also emphasized in the Guidelines on Merger Assessment, which suggest that a merger is notifiable even if only one of the merging parties has activities in at least two COMESA Member States and the other party has none. This would mean that a merger must be notified, or is otherwise subject to COMESA scrutiny, even if there is no nexus between one of the merging firms and the Common Market. If this interpretation is indeed maintained, we believe that it will place an undue burden on potential merger parties and undermine one of the crucial objectives of any merger regime : to gain international acceptance.

29. Absent swift rectification, these concerns may render the COMESA Competition regime unworkable. At best, they will merely deter parties from making a notification (hoping for lack of enforcement). Worse, these regulatory uncertainties may cause undertakings to abandon potential transactions entirely.

30. Addressing the issues identified above is imperative to ensuring the CCC’s viability as a recognised international competition authority. In addition, we believe that the agency faces other – perhaps less serious, yet nonetheless important – obstacles on the final leg of its proverbial river crossing :

– COMESA’s express inclusion of so-called “para-statals” (i.e., fully or partial government-owned enterprises) within the penumbra of its jurisdiction under Article 3 is commendable and indeed important, given the comparative prevalence of such enterprises in the region and the risk of abuse inherent in their transformation into privatised businesses. The CCC must be careful, however, not to be side-lined by the member states’ governments, as the Regulations’ prior-exemption exception of Article 3(2) presents a potentially appetising jurisdictional loophole for dominant para-statals being shielded from review by the CCC.

– The Guidelines’ indirect reference to EU rules poses a threat of commingling divergent standards and interpretive assessments thereof, e.g., applying guidance on the SIEC standard to an SLC regime.

– The trigger date for notification is also not clear. Article 24(1) requires notification within 30 days of a “decision to merge.” The Guidelines indicate that a decision to merge is “construed when there is established a concurrence of wills between the merging parties in the pursuit of a merger objective.” Neither the commercial nor the legal meaning of this phrase is entirely clear and will make it difficult for companies to determine when to notify a transaction, resulting in the risk of facing penalties for late filing. Clarification of all relevant “notification triggers” is therefore highly desirable from the perspective of affected undertakings.

– While the CCC’s previously identified “preliminary assessment” of the anticipated fees appears to claim otherwise, we are of the (likewise preliminary) view that COMESA’s merger filing-fee is not in accordance with other jurisdictions. These fees constitute a danger that may help to undermine COMESA’s international and legal acceptance. Especially when compared to established global regimes – such as the EU’s DG COMP or the German Bundeskartellamt (with no and relatively low filing fees, respectively) – the potential fees COMESA may charge notifying parties under its Rules pose a serious threat to the regime’s legitimacy.

– On a positive note in this regard, the CCC has taken notice of – and acted swiftly in response to – critics’ public comments relating to the initially vague arithmetic determination of the CCC’s filing fees. The alternative two-part provision contained a connecting “higher of” reference, which caused unintended confusion among competition practitioners [15]. Many a law firm’s initial assessment and subsequent public client alert therefore referred to COMESA fees being the “greater of” the two computational bases. The CCC stepped in within merely weeks and issued clarifying guidance. While it did not correct the ambiguous language in the Rule itself, it issued a public notice of Interpretive Meaning of the Notification Fee Pursuant to Rule 55(4) of the Amended COMESA Competition Rules on 26 February 2013, thereby putting an end to speculation that filing fees would indeed be calculated on the higher-of basis.

– The need for original copies to be filed with the notification goes against the global trend of leading enforcement agencies, such as the FTC or DG COMP, increasingly allowing filings to be made electronically. It hinders efficiency and increases administrative and timing burdens on the parties, which is inconsistent with the CCC’s stated objectives and, indeed, contrarian to the developments of the 21st century.

31. Several international networks and associations comprising members from various antitrust jurisdictions worldwide have provided significant contributions to the CCC, working closely with the agency to propose practical and workable solutions to the identified hurdles. Organisations that have provided input include the International Competition Network (ICN) (which currently includes 128 agency members from 111 jurisdictions and is the most extensive network of competition authorities worldwide) and the American Bar Association’s two sections of Antitrust Law and of International Law. They have offered the CCC assistance, particularly in the provision of commentary and proposed amendments to the merger assessment guidelines, suggesting workable (and tested) solutions in relation to the various teething problems it faces [16]. We note that there is a fine line between receiving offers of support and the affirmative seeking of advice – we would encourage the CCC to undertake the latter at all stages of its developmental process, as its legitimacy in the eyes of the global competition community will only be enhanced, not reduced, by its efforts to integrate itself into the global network of enforcers. As has been the mantra of many an NCA official’s speeches over the past decade, convergence of international antitrust regimes is crucial to effective enforcement on the one hand and rational decision-making by businesses on the other. For COMESA to fall in line with the global trend of convergence, the CCC must not shy away from seeking the input of other, more advanced sister agencies and organisations such as the ICN, which – in our experience – are always glad to provide their support.

32. Finally, one key inquiry faced by any nascent international legal regime is whether the unified, single decisions made under a harmonised legal system are likely to be superior to the alternative, i.e., the sum of those applying diverse national laws [17]. Even if uncoordinated domestic regimes are deemed inefficient, it does not automatically follow that a single multi-national regime will yield more pareto-optimal outcomes [18]. Historically, there have been three main criticisms levied against international antitrust regimes. They include higher monitoring costs, higher enforcement costs, and the loss of innovation [19]. Considering each of them in detail would breach the bounds of the present article. Suffice it to note that some scholarship suggests agency costs to be higher at an international level, with the concomitant effect that bureaucrats will have more ability to fashion rules in their own interest [20]. A parallel risk is that the multi-national process may appear more opaque than the more established and well-known domestic procedures, resulting inter alia in greater difficulty of monitoring those responsible for carrying out enforcement policy, as well as less innovative (because less diverse and more static) approaches to enforcement or resolution of conflicts [21]. An international regulator outside the direct control of government may pursue interests distinct from its members, which may not mirror the interests of the citizens living in the member states. Taken together, these risks may cause a global regime to appear less in the public interest than maintaining the sovereignty of individual domestic rules [22].

33. While these critiques may have valid application in developed countries with mature competition authorities where a global harmonised regime is being considered, they appear somewhat neutralised in the case of COMESA. For one, a majority of the Member States did not have pre-existing competition-law regimes, and the remainder of the NCAs were arguably inexperienced and not developed. We submit that having at least a functioning and well-funded competition enforcement regime — centralised or decentralised — is more beneficial that having none at all.

IV. Conclusion

34. As with every rubicon worthy of its proverbial name, COMESA’s crossing of the antitrust divide has advanced beyond the point of no return. And rightly so : the efficiency gains, consumer benefits, and appeal to investors derived from a stable, transparent and predictable competition-law enforcement that transcends national borders all promise a net positive return. We see this prospect holding true despite early teething problems, as the CCC appears to be in the process of rectifying most, if not all, of them in due course.

35. The CCC’s future enforcement performance being in line with international best practices will be the ultimate litmus test for increased investment in the region and COMESA’s economic growth. One gladly wishes to take the CCC by its word in describing the impetus behind the unified antitrust regime : “cooperation and transparency in procedures [are] essential for business as they would not be subjected to excessive costs arising from multiple, parallel and poorly coordinated investigations.” [23] Businesses probably could not agree more – but a mere mission statement is a far cry from actual, competent enforcement. For the time being, the CCC’s ship hasn’t made it to the other river bank and is still traversing unpredictable rapids.

36. The near future will doubtless reveal several important benchmarking metrics of the CCC’s merger review performance, for instance : how many transactions are notified ? How quickly can the authority render decisions on most routine notices ? How robust is its underlying economic and legal reasoning ? It may take additional time before a complex merger demanding in-depth analysis will challenge the CCC to show its true analytical prowess and administrative ability to deal with difficult cases.

37. The CCC has the features and multi-national support that allow it, in principle, to become a robust regional competition authority. That said, its success is not a foregone conclusion, and the agency must ensure that it has the sanctioning not only of COMESA’s regional member states and domestic NCAs, but also of the broader international antitrust community.

Footnotes:

[1] Even when compared to the worldwide GDP leader and key historical role model of multi-national competition-law jurisdictions – the European Union – these figures are impressive for a comparatively young African agglomeration of economies. (By comparison, the EU has 27 member states, a population of 501 million, and a GDP of $16 trillion.)

[2] Article 24 of COMESA Competition Regulations 2004.

[3] The “missing-nexus” and “zero-dollar” threshold problems have caused several antitrust experts – including private practitioners, EU Commission officials and US enforcement agency representatives – to scoff at even a passing mention of COMESA as a relevant jurisdiction to take into account when counselling clients on worldwide merger-notification obligations. The CCC must act with speed and determination to rectify these problems to maintain its bona fides vis-à-vis both its international sister agencies as well as private parties appearing before it.

[4] Letter from COMESA Competition Commission, dated 22 March 2013 (“CCC March letter”), at § 14, available online at https://africanantitrust.com/2013/05/14.

[5] CCC news release, COMESA Competition Commission Seeks Public Comments on its Draft Guidelines, available at : http://www.comesacompetition.org/latest.

[6] Art. 1 of COMESA Competition Regulations, December 2004, available at http://www.comesacompetition.org/im….

[7] For instance, Art. 5 of the Regulations, and the CCC’s mandate that national competition laws in the region “should increasingly come into alignment.”

[8] CCC March letter, at § 5.

[9] J. Almunia, Commission Vice President and Competition Commissioner, Mergers : competition authorities agree best practices to handle cross-border mergers that do not benefit from EU one-stop shop review, 9 November 2011. See also J.J. Parisi, A Simple Guide to the EC Merger Regulation, January 2010 (“The EC Merger Regulation (ECMR) was intended to provide a ‘level playing field’ in a ‘one-stop shop’ for the review of mergers with significant cross border effects.”).

[10] CCC March letter, at § 17.

[11] Ibid. at § 16.

[12] The European Commission’s 2012 report on competition policy showed that without an effective European competition policy, the internal market cannot deliver its full economic potential. The COMESA Regulations’ Preamble notably posits the tripartite goals of “economic growth, trade liberalisation and economic efficiency” as drivers for the regional antitrust regime.

[13] Egypt, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

[14] COMESA CCC Frequently Asked Questions.

[15] Rule 55(4) of the amended COMESA Competition Rules reads as follows : “Notification of a notifiable merger shall be accompanied by a fee calculated at 0.5% or COM$ 500 000, or whichever is lower of the combined annual turnover or combined value of assets in the Common Market, whichever is higher”.

[16] Ibid.

[17] JO McGinnis, The Political Economy of International Antitrust Harmonization, 45 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 549 (2003), p. 555.

[18] Ibid, p. 555.

[19] Ibid, p. 560.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Ibid, at p. 560, 565.

[22] Ibid, p. 561

[23] CCC March letter, at § 5.

The “Second Coming” of COMESA’s CCC? Is the EAC foreshadowing a copy-cat maneuver?

tanzania COMESA Competition Commission logo 

Will there be a copy-cat to COMESA’s competition-law enforcer?

As the Tanzania Daily News reports (via AllAfrica, as TDN’s web site seems to be down at the moment), the Tanzanian Minister for industry and trade, Dr. Abdallah Kigoda (pictured), emphasized the importance of competition law policy across the entire East African Community (“EAC”) region during a speech yesterday.

He reportedly stated at the inaugural meeting of the “Accelerating Implementation of EAC Competition Policy and Law Project” (that’s a mouthful) that:

“[i]t is difficult for a single country to deal with the competition policy and therefore it is vital to go for a well functioning competition policy that will help curb anti-competition practices by not only domestic firms but also regional and large multinational corporation (MNGs) and international cartels.”

This sentence is somewhat incomplete, in our grammatical view — but it seems to be a thinly-veiled call for a trans-national, region-wide competition policy.   This would be notable insofar as the following two premises are considered:

  1. One need not look far in the region to find a good example: There is a very recent case of a functioning competition policy and enforcement body in the east-African region, namely: COMESA’s Competition Commission (“CCC”), which became operational in January 2013.
  2. Tanzania left COMESA in 1999 and is currently not a member.  (This withdrawal was, ironically, announced by Dr. Kigoda’s long-ago predecessor minister.)

Go figure…!  We at AfricanAntitrust.com are all for sensible competition-law enforcement.  Yet, one would hope that the EAC (and Tanzania) do not plan to emulate the COMESA example and create yet another — presumptively conflicting — regional antitrust body in eastern Africa, lest the will of corporate investors to grow their businesses in the region be completely stifled by the rampant growth of competing antitrust jurisdictions in the area, seeking to extract merger-filing fees and/or fines for contraventions from established economic actors.

Do we think this is a probable threat?  No.  But it’s worth writing about, when statements like the one quoted above are made by officials acting on behalf of national governments and, indeed, supra-national bodies.

Why don’t we think it’s a likely problem? Because all of the other EAC members** are already COMESA member states, and would have to suffer from the governmental equivalent of schizophrenia to subscribe to two separate supra-national competition regimes, in addition to their own domestic ones (to the extent they exist).

What’s an alternative interpretation?  Hmm, could Tanzania be considering re-joining COMESA?

** Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda (setting aside COMESA non-member Tanzania).