Philips & innovation in Africa: Driving worldwide growth

Philips’ CEO Frans van Houten recognizes untapped potential, invests in Africa

new multi-part series

In February, AAT launched its multi-part series on innovation & antitrust as a thematic collection focusing on the concept of innovation markets and how competition and IP laws are able to address the, by definition, novel issues that arise.  Recently, and timely so, Philips has joined this debate.

Philips & the future of African innovation: From “things” to “ideas”

For one, Frans van Houten, its President and CEO, has been quoted as saying: “Innovation is our lifeblood and will be the main driver of profitable growth going forward. … I intend to drive innovation with more intensity to help us win new customers.”

Notably, Philips changed its official company slogan from “We make things better” to “We create better ideas.

Mr. van Houten (source: Philips)

Even more pertinent, Mr. van Houten not only recognizes the crucial forward-looking importance of innovation.  Unlike many Western corporate leaders, he positively links it with the economic growth prospects of Africa.  In an insightful piece entitled “How Africa’s innovation will change the world” (published on the Davos World Economic Forum blog), Mr. van Houten discusses the promises, challenges, and realities of African innovation and resulting economic growth.

The article highlights the intuitive, yet elusive, insight that challenges become opportunities when looked at with an inventive spirit.  It also addresses the importance of multi-disciplinary approaches (such as the one at the foundation of our #AntitrustInnovation series, combining law, economics, and business innovation) and that of partnerships:

Seven years ago, millions of Kenyans were struggling to access basic financial services such as a bank account; they were unable to transfer money or receive microcredit. Then, a locally developed mobile payment system called M-Pesa [see AAT coverage here; — Ed.] radically changed everything. Today, more than two-thirds of Kenya’s population uses M-Pesa to make and receive payments and an estimated 43% of the country’s GDP flows through the system. This is transforming life in the country, increasing income in rural households and spawning a range of start-ups.

This speedy adoption of mobile payments captures the enterprising spirit of African innovation. It reflects the resourcefulness with which people in Africa find local solutions to local issues. It also shows how Africa’s challenges are opportunities in disguise and how the continent can bypass development stages without paying for their replacement. Mobile phones, for example, were rapidly adopted in Africa because of the lack of fixed telecom infrastructure. And solar panels are being adopted faster than in other parts of the world, because kerosene is so expensive that the payback time for investments in solar power is months rather than years.

Healthcare is another exciting area. According to a report from the World Economic Forum, Africa faces 28% of the global disease burden with only 3% of the world’s healthcare workforce. In response, Africa is adopting new operating models and technologies. By training health extension workers to focus on education, family planning and sanitation, Ethiopia achieved a 32% drop in child mortality and 38% drop in maternal mortality. In Kenya, e-learning has taught 12,000 nurses how to treat major diseases such as HIV and malaria, compared to the 100 nurses a year that can be taught in a classroom.

Africa is also embracing new business models that tap into the vitality of the country’s communities. Philips, for example, teamed up with Inyenyeri, a Rwandan NGO, to give families access to an innovative cookstove. Crucially, the cookstove is given away for free and families pay for the stove by harvesting twigs, leaves and grass. This biomass is compressed into fuel pellets, half of which are returned to the family for personal use and half of which are sold by the NGO. The cookstove is produced in Africa, highly energy efficient and, because it is smoke free, significantly healthier.

This example also shows the power of partnerships, without which many African innovations would not come to fruition. Solar-powered light centres, for example, increase the social activity and productivity of communities by generating light after sundown. These communities, however, are often unable to invest in a light centre, so this technology is rolled out through NGOs and governments. Sometimes these light centres are used to power medical equipment such as an ultrasound, or refrigerators that store vaccines. This type of cooperation ensures that innovation generates both financial and social value.

The complexity of Africa’s challenges also requires a multidisciplinary approach to innovation. Kenya, for example, is investing in systems that encourage open innovation. This sees local universities and small and medium enterprises join forces with NGOs, governmental organizations and foreign multinationals such as IBM and Philips, which have set up regional research and innovation centres in Nairobi. Nairobi is also home to iHub, a booming community of local entrepreneurs, investors and some of the world’s leading technology firms.

For innovation to really succeed in Africa, other factors need to be addressed, too. There is a lack of prototyping equipment and workshops, so local innovators depend on Europe or China, making the process costly and cumbersome. And while there are good patent laws in place, there are still too many counterfeit versions of successful products. Also, international firms should source locally and work with local distributors, whenever possible. And governments should focus their development money on stimulating entrepreneurship and innovation.

While in Africa millions of people still live on less than $2.50 a day, the continent looks set to have a brighter future thanks to local solutions for finance, healthcare and energy that could become globally relevant. M-Pesa, for example, has already been rolled out in other African countries, India, Afghanistan and Eastern Europe. Perhaps sooner than we think, African innovations will help the rest of the world create lasting social and economic value.

[Frans van Houten, President and CEO, Royal Philips, emphasis and links added, How Africa’s innovation will change the world” published on Davos World Economic Forum blog.]

Investment: done

More than just writing op-ed pieces, Philips’ leadership has put its money where it matters: On March 20, 2014, the company (with 23-plus billion Euros in annual revenue) announced that it was establishing a “Research & Innovation Hub” in Nairobi, Kenya.  The full Philips statement says:

  • The Philips Africa Innovation Hub in Kenya will be the center for developing innovations “in Africa-for Africa” in the areas of healthcare, lighting and healthy living

  • Hub underlines Philips’ commitment to invest in Africa and provide Africa-relevant innovations to address key challenges facing the continent

 Nairobi, KenyaRoyal Philips (NYSE: PHG, AEX: PHIA) today announced the establishment of its Africa Innovation Hub in Nairobi, Kenya, which underlines the company’s commitment to invest in Africa. The Philips Africa Innovation Hub will work both on the creation of new inventions, as well as bringing these inventions to the market.

The Philips Africa Innovation Hub will do application-focused scientific and user studies to address key challenges like improving access to lighting and affordable healthcare as well as developing innovations to meet the aspirational needs of the rising middle class in Africa.

The Philips Africa Innovation Hub will be located at the Philips East African Headquarters in Nairobi, where African talents and international researchers will operate on the concept of “open innovation” and will work in close collaboration with the R&D ecosystem of Kenya and Africa. Philips is in discussions with local organizations and Universities on R&D collaborations to co-create meaningful solutions for Africa.

“We welcome the establishment of Philips’ Innovation Hub in Kenya; Philips is a globally recognized innovation powerhouse and their selection of Nairobi as the site to establish their African Innovation hub is a testament to the Kenyan government’s commitment to nurture the drive for research and innovation in the region”, says, Hon’ble Adan Mohammed, Cabinet Secretary for Industrialization. “We lend our full support to the investment being made by Philips and look forward to the outcomes of their Africa-specific research and projects that can contribute to transforming society, business and government across the continent”.

JJ van Dongen, Senior Vice President & CEO Philips Africa states: “Philips is passionate to invent, apply technology and partner to help people succeed. Our ambition is to create impactful innovations that matter to people and address the key challenges that confront society. With Kenya as a leader in the continent in science and entrepreneurship as well as a hub of collaboration on technology and innovation, Nairobi, is the ideal location to establish Philips’ African research presence. We want to tap into the city’s vibrant R&D eco-system and contribute to the process of co-creating new solutions, new business models and meaningful partnerships to provide innovations that make an impact.”
Enhancing people’s lives in Africa though meaningful innovations
Some innovations that Philips was already working on have now become part of the Innovation Hub, hence, the Philips Africa Innovation Hub will kick-off with ventures that are under development as well as in the pilot phase; these include:

Respiratory rate Monitor to support pneumonia diagnosis: Pneumonia is the leading cause of death among children under the age of five, resulting in 1.1 million deaths worldwide annually¹. Of these, 99% of deaths occur in developing countries in low-resource settings, which typically entail rural areas with very limited or poor healthcare facilities or with low-skilled health workers. The current diagnostic tools in such settings are not easy to use, can easily distract the workers from an accurate conclusion, and thus lead to a poor diagnosis.

The Innovation hub is working on the development and clinical testing of a robust and affordable Automated Respiratory Rate Monitor that aims to support the diagnosis of pneumonia among infants and children, using smart sensing technology on the body which is intended to be more accurate and reliable compared to manual processes being currently observed. This device will be specially designed for use by community health workers and nurses in rural areas. In Kenya, discussions are on with the Kenya Medical Research Institute (KEMRI) to further develop this project and co-create an effective solution tailored to circumstances in rural Africa.

Community care services: The development and testing of a work-flow innovation designed to reduce the number of avoidable maternal and child deaths. The purpose of the workflow is to enable remote area health centers to diagnose, triage, treat, stabilize and (prepare for) transport expectant mothers that come in for a check-up and treatment.

Smokeless cook stove: Philips has designed and is manufacturing this innovative stove to improve the lives of those who rely on wood or biomass for their daily cooking. These specially designed stoves are extremely efficient and significantly reduce the use of wood as fuel. The cook stove can reduce smoke and carbon monoxide emissions by more than 90% compared to an open fire² thus reducing the health risks of indoor cooking. The contribution of the innovation hub is to create new go-to-market models for these stoves.

Consumer solar solutions: Today an estimated 560 million Africans live without electricity; Philips is committed to improving access to lighting in Africa, for the majority of the population that lives in off-grid communities. The Innovation hub is designing and developing new consumer products using the combination of solar power and energy efficient LED technology. New go-to-market models are also being established to ensure these solutions become accessible to people that would not be able to afford them otherwise.

The Philips Africa Innovation Hub while headquartered in Kenya, will be responsible for pan-African research and projects and will have operations across Africa, linked to the Philips regional offices across the continent; the hub will be headed by Dr. Maarten van Herpen and will work in close collaboration with the Philips research labs in Bangalore, Shanghai and Eindhoven.

¹ Source : Unicef  www.unicef.org/media/media_70890.html
² Reference source:  Water boiling test version 4.2.2 done at accredited stove laboratory, Aprovecho Research Center, Oregon, USA.

 

Competition authority issues sectoral warning, threatens criminal sanctions

kenya

Wake-up call to would-be cartelists and monopolists in Kenya

The Standard reports that the Competition Authority of Kenya (“CAK”) (AAT archive on CAK issues here) is threatening cartelists with prison terms of up to 5 years and fines up to 10 million Shilling ($115,000).

According to the report, CAK Director General Francis Wang’ombe Kariuki said that “investigations are already being conducted in [the] transport, insurance, shipping, milling, banking, cement, sugar, health care and tea” sectors, pursuant to purported consumer complaints.

CAK Director General Kariuki

The CAK has actively pursued antitrust matters, using novel approaches of late, as AAT recently reported on a seemingly hybrid unilateral/collusion case (“Kenya: Lafarge faces possible price-fixing penalties due to cross-shareholding“).  The CAK is also the sole COMESA member enforcement authority that has, to our knowledge, challenged the fledgling and issues-plagued COMESA Competition Authority’s jurisdiction in various merger cases.

COMESA old flag color

Kenya: Lafarge faces possible price-fixing penalties due to cross shareholding

kenya

East Africa back on antitrust enforcer’s mat in hybrid unilateral / collusion case

The Competition Authority of Kenya (“CAK”) has alleged that Lafarge has engaged in price-fixing due to the company’s cross-shareholding in cement producer Eastern African Portland Company and Bamburi Cement. (Interestingly, http://www.lafarge.co.ke links to Bamburi Cement’s site).

The CAK is investigating whether Lafarge is responsible for an unwarranted concentration of economic power, given that Lafarge has a 41.7% interest in Eastern African Portland Company and a 58.9% interest in Bamburi Cement. A ruling as to whether Lafarge has “unwarranted concentration of economic power” is expected in June 2014.  In the event that Lafarge is found guilty of the charge against it, the Kenyan Competition Authority could direct the Lafarge to sell assets in one of the two businesses.  Furthermore, the directors could also be forced to pay up to USD115,000 in penalties or serve five years in prison if found guilty of price-fixing.

The CAK report comes four months after the Kenyan government, which together with the Kenyan National Social Security Fund, has a controlling stake of 52.3% in Eastern African Portland Company alleged that Lafarge tried to destabilise Eastern African Portland Company to protect Lafarge’s interests in Bamburi, the report noted. The CAK indicated that “cross-directorship could lead to price-fixing since this creates a position where a competitor is privy to the strategic decisions of another competitor. However, it is not conclusive that there is price-fixing going on.”  Lafarge has stated its minority interest in Eastern African Portland Company is insufficient to enable Lafarge to exert control over it.

This allegation comes at an interesting time given the spotlight on Lafarge due to its proposed merger with cement producer Holcim, which has already triggered insider-trading investigations elsewhere.  The proposed transaction will likely require notification in the European Union, United States, Russia, China, India, Morocco, South Africa and multi-national enforcer COMESA (which includes Kenya and would presumptively take priority over the CAK’s domestic review authority, although a jurisdictional fight between the two agencies would not be unheard of).

 

Television antitrust saga continues, MultiChoice in the cross-hairs again

Interest group seeks antitrust investigation in free-to-air channels

According to a press release by the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA), the organisation proposed last Friday a Competition Commission investigation into purportedly horizontal agreements between the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) and MultiChoice.  “This follows an agreement entered into between the two parties in July 2013 whereby the SABC would have to provide a 24-hour news channel on MultiChoice’s DSTV platform,” spokesman Paseka Maleka said.

south_africa

MultiChoice in the Cross-Hairs

AAT had reported previously on MultiChoice’s competition woes, including its Botswana Pay-TV and Kenya sports broadcasting headaches, as well as the original post on the S.A. sports-TV rights complaint by rival On Digital Media (“ODM”), which resulted in a referral to ICASA.

The South African publication The Citizen also reported the most recent ICASA attack, noting the alleged “restrictive horizontal practices involved collusion and certain competitor agreements and practices, while restrictive vertical practices involved certain customer or supplier arrangements.”

The full text of the ICASA statement follows:

Johannesburg – The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa has recently requested the Competition Commission to investigate a possible restrictive horizontal practice between the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) and MultiChoice. This follows an agreement entered into between the two parties in July 2013 whereby the SABC would have to provide a 24-hour news channel on MultiChoice’ DSTV platform.

News reports at the time indicated that the agreement also contained an obligation relating to set-top-box control in which the SABC is alleged to have agreed that it will transmit its free-to-air channels without encryption.

In the context of the ongoing public dispute between e.tv and MultiChoice over whether free-to-air TV services should utilise set-top-box control, the question arises as to whether the agreement between the SABC and MultiChoice, as it affects the issue of set-top-box control, may constitute a form of restrictive horizontal practice in the television market.

ICASA has requested both the SABC and MultiChoice to provide a copy of the agreement but both parties have failed to honour that request. This failure has made it difficult for the Authority to verify the claim put forward by MultiChoice that `any contractual obligation upon the SABC to continue to transmit its free-to-air channels in the clear (i.e. without encryption) is an incident of the distribution arrangements agreed upon by the SABC and MultiChoice. Such obligation, as indicated forms part of an agreement between parties in a vertical relationship and is not, as alleged, a horizontal restrictive practice’.

As the issue of restrictive horizontal practices falls within the scope of Section 4 of the Competition Act, the Authority has requested that the Competition Commission open an investigation into this matter.

COMESA merger stats: January ’14 outperforms first 6 months of 2013

COMESA Competition Commission logo
Three merger notifications in one month set new record for COMESA Competition Commission.

After commenting on the rather lackluster statistics of the first 11 months A.D. 2013, we observed that some deal-making parties might be “flying under the radar” and asked the question:

Combine Point 4 above (low filing statistics) with the zero-threshold and low nexus requirements that trigger a COMESA merger notification, and the following question inevitably comes to mind: With such low thresholds, and the certain existence of commercial deal activity going on in the COMESA zone, why are there so few notifications?

Well, the young agency’s stats have picked up some steam in 2014, it would seem: based on a review of its online document repository, the CC has received a whopping three notifications in January alone.  They are, in chronological order:

  1. Mail & courier services: FedEx / SupaSwift – a transaction involving the acquisition of a South African courier with operations in multiple COMESA member states, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland and Zambia.
  2. Agricultural distribution and financial services: AgriGroupe / AFGRI Ltd. – Mauritian SPV AgriGroupe seems to be taking AFGRI (listed on the JSE) private.  The target has operations in multiple COMESA countries.
  3. Generic pharmaceuticals: CFR Inversiones SPA / Adcock Ingram Holdings Ltd. – Chilean CFR is buying all of South African off-patent pharmaceuticals manufacturer Adcock’s shares. Notably, the buyer has no COMESA activities; target is active in Kenya, Malawi, Rwanda, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda and Zimbabwe.
(c) AAT
Merger notification stats for COMESA as of Feb. 2014

Take-aways:

  • Activity has increased dramatically.  Is it a coincidence & a statistically irrelevant blip on the radar screen?  This remains to be seen. The parties are – unlike last year’s – not “repeat parties” and therefore the increase in notifications seems to be natural/organic growth, if you will, rather than a case of the same bear falling into the same honey-trap multiple times…
  • The Competition Commission has listened to its critics (including this blog). Notably, the CC now clearly identifies the affected member-state jurisdictions in the published notice – a commendable practice that it did not follow in all previous instances, and which AAT welcomes.

Post-scriptum: Adding up the total 2013 tally of notifications, the Tractor & Grader Supplies Ltd / Torre Industrial Holdings transaction (notified after our prior statistics post in November 2013) brought the sum-total of COMESA merger filings to 11 for FY2013.

More or less competition in African mobile payments sector?

south_africakenyanigeria

More countries may enter the mix of players – but at the platform level, competition may have stagnated

As we reported last month, the mobile payments sector is going gangbusters on the African continent.  Kenya is ahead of the game, but other countries are closing in.

Kenya itself is considered by many to be at the forefront of the African mobile-payments universe, with its M-Pesa mobile-currency system often touted as the most developed mobile-payment system in the world.  The Economist asked rhetorically: “Why does Kenya lead the world in mobile money?”, pointing out that roughly 25% of Kenya’s GDP flows through the mobile service, with over 17 million users in Kenya alone.  The WorldBank has commented that “Mobile payments go viral [with] M-PESA in Kenya.”

Earlier this week, South African media outlet Business Tech published an interesting comparative piece on the issue, entitled “Africa leads in mobile banking“.  The article shows (also graphically, see below) how  and South Africa are close rivals to the Kenyan leadership in the mobile payments industry:

Image credit: Business Tech

What triggered the article is the release of the MEF-Africa report on mobile payments on the continent, which provides much of the content of the Business Tech piece.

One of the key developments highlighted is that M-Pesa’s platform may soon see a major upgrade in South Africa (where it is run by Vocadom and Nedbank), according to the article, linking the system directly with the brick-and-mortar banks’ platforms.  This may either (1) cement the relative market dominance of M-Pesa or (2) spur further innovation and enhance the overall competitiveness of the still rather young industry.

Mobile Telecom and Payments sector getting boost from state in Kenya

kenya

See PDF reprint of this article (published by “e-competitions“) here.
According to a release by the Kenyan Communications Commission (CCK), the CCK is cooperating with the country’s Competition Authority (CAK) to enhance the mobile telecoms sector in Kenya.

The CCK is aiming for 90% of all Kenyans to have access to mobile communications devices within five years, thereby seeking to double the telecoms sector’s contribution to the country’s GDP to a total of 5%.  It is noteworthy that Kenya – a comparatively technologically advanced East African nation that currently already has 76% mobile penetration among its residents – is not only relying on the telecom authority to achieve these goals, but the agency is actively collaborating with the competition watchdog CAK.

An article in HumanIPO quotes the CCK director general, Francis Wangusi, as saying: “We are working with the Competition Authority to ensure that all the mobile money transfer platforms are transparent in order to promote competition.”  The official CCK press release is available here.

Other interesting statistics are the planned increase in internet penetration from the current 41.6% to 70% and that of mobile money services from 58.9% to 70% by the end of the 5-year plan.

Mobile payments have been described as “the epicenter of mobile commerce. The merger of the social, mobile, and payment industries has created incredible business growth opportunities for start-ups, social media, banks, retailers, payment networks, and other companies.”

Use of a mobile device such as a cell phone with SMS or internet capability is particularly widespread in many African countries, where brick-and-mortar banks are scarce and not widely used by the vast majority of the population, whereas mobile phones are omnipresent and relatively easily accessible (see the 76% current penetration rate, which rivals that of developed European economies).

Kenya itself is considered by many to be at the forefront of the African mobile-payments universe, with its M-Pesa mobile-currency system often touted as the most developed mobile-payment system in the world.  The Economist asked rhetorically: “Why does Kenya lead the world in mobile money?”, pointing out that roughly 25% of Kenya’s GDP flows through the mobile service, with over 17 million users in Kenya alone.  The WorldBank has commented that “Mobile payments go viral [with] M-PESA in Kenya.”  M-Pesa was originally launched in March 2007 by Vodacom/Safaricom in Kenya and is now jointly operated with other carriers offering services in Tanzania, South Africa, Afghanistan, India and other nations.

The Zero Threshold Contagion

Published in this month’s “The Threshold,” the American Bar Association’s merger-focused quarterly journal:

The Zero Threshold Contagion — Too Little of a Good Thing in Pan-African Merger Control

Andreas Stargard [1]

Fittingly for this publication, international merger control poses a threshold problem.  One may call it the “zero-threshold contagion.”  On January 14, 2013, it spread to the newest member of the growing number of worldwide merger-control regimes: the victim in this particular instance was COMESA[2] – a multi-jurisdictional body with a vast geographic span across 19 eastern and southern African economies, home to a population 25% larger than that of the United States.

Background

With the inception of the COMESA Competition Commission’s (“CCC”) operations, certain corporate transactions “with a regional dimension” are now subject to mandatory merger notification.  Whether or not this notification requirement has a suspensory effect on the notified transaction[3] is but one of the many ambiguities pervading the young merger regime, which applies a “substantially prevent or lessen competition” test, in addition to other, less-common criteria for merger analysis.  A fair question arises: “What exactly are the rules?”

Much of the commentary on the CCC’s emergence has been critical, mostly focused on the many ambiguities in the system, and occasionally going as far as questioning the agency’s mandate, competence, and extraterritorial reach.  This article lays out the objective underlying facts behind COMESA, which are often little understood.

Having a merger-control regime – more broadly speaking, a competition law[4] – in the region is neither surprising nor a sudden development.  The statute has been in existence for a decade, and the advent of the CCC merely represents the pinnacle of a rather long regional history that was to lead, quite predictably, to its implementation.

To understand the impetus behind this final chapter in the gestation of supra-national antitrust law in Africa, it helps briefly to recall COMESA’s history.  Its goals were premised ab initio on economic progress in the region, having evolved from its precursor “Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa” (1981) into the COMESA of today (1994).  COMESA’s establishing Treaty, drafted two decades ago, left no doubt that competition law would become a key focus area for the organization.[5]  After all, one of COMESA’s primary stated goals is a “wider, harmonised and more competitive market.”[6]

It is against this historical backdrop that the organization enacted its Competition Regulations and Rules in 2004.  Yet, a decade later, the Regulations remained empty legislative vessels, as there was no enforcement body to apply them.[7]  Elsewhere, I have called the phenomenon of the gap between existing antitrust legislation and its lack of enforcement the “missing policeman rubicon.”  The COMESA competition regime finally crossed that river when the CCC, headquartered in Malawi, became operational in January of this year under the leadership of George Lipimile.  Its launch finally awakened the dormant antitrust statute and its merger-control regime.

From tabula rasa to Established Enforcement – a Rocky Road without a Threshold

Almost a year into the CCC’s existence, one may ask how the various pieces of the enforcement puzzle have come together?  Filling in the blank canvas on which Mr. Lipimile’s agency is building its administrative platform has not come without hiccups, as well as numerous pragmatic questions raised about how COMESA will achieve its stated mission.  First and foremost among these is the threshold question.

As readers of this publication are keenly aware, when advising clients on the perennial question of “where must we file,” law firms commonly operate on the basis of a piece of coveted and fiercely guarded work product, created over the course of decades and regularly updated, in all likelihood, by a junior attorney: in short, a jurisdictional matrix showing key variables such as per-party deal-value or revenue thresholds, (disfavored) market-share tests, exceptional minority shareholding or control rules, and other unique characteristics of each of the ten dozen or so merger regimes currently in operation worldwide.

It is a safe bet that the attorneys who had the misfortune of having to add the COMESA section to their firm’s matrix in early 2013 were scratching their heads at the (then virtually unexplained) language governing CCC merger enforcement.  Their first question was: What’s the revenue threshold?  Short answer: None.

The statute requires parties to have combined worldwide and regional aggregate revenues or assets, whichever is higher, of at least “COM$ Zero.[8]  The CCC’s explanation for this de facto non-existent threshold has been that “different Member States are at different levels of economic development and hence a realistic threshold can only be determined after the Regulation has been tested on the market.  Therefore, the threshold shall be raised after a period of implementation of the Regulations.”[9]

In addition to the threshold issue, it has also remained unhelpfully vague what it means for a business to “operate” within COMESA – e.g., are mere import sales sufficient?  How many of the parties to the transaction must be commercially active in the common market?  Does a COMESA notification discharge all filing obligations vis-à-vis member-state competition authorities, even those whose markets are primarily affected by a given transaction (i.e., is the CCC a true one-stop-shop)?  Are acquisitions of minority shareholdings out of scope?  How is the (seemingly unduly steep) filing fee actually calculated?

In brief, the need for significant clarification was abundantly clear early on.  To its credit, the CCC did follow international best practices and released its explanatory Guidelines in draft form for public comment in April.  The Guidelines cover not only the procedural steps and substantive analysis applied by the agency, but also some of the uniquely regional topics, e.g., the “public interest criterion” under Article 26 of the Regulations – an additional analytical (most would say solely socio-political) criterion that goes far beyond orthodox antitrust principles, muddying the waters of pure merger-control assessment and arguably diluting outcome predictability to the point of a “black box.”  In response, commentators from across the globe (including the American Bar Association) provided their critical response during the summer, in the hopes of ensuring the young agency’s smooth evolution from blank slate to rational and proportionate merger enforcer.

It is now – almost one year into the COMESA competition saga – ever more evident that significant confusion (and parties’ resulting aversion to filing) remains.  One piece of readily available empirical evidence demonstrating this fact is the lack of any meaningful number of merger notifications.  It is no secret that many private practitioners follow the rule that, in the absence of clarity and meaningful thresholds, COMESA simply constitutes “no-go territory” for merging firms.  Such advice has led not only to an instinctive discounting of COMESA’s relevancy, but also directly to the CCC’s subdued statistics: the agency has received only nine ten notifications in the first ten eleven months of its existence.  Compare this rate (which averages less than one per month) to the estimated number of filings received by another relatively young antitrust watchdog in a developing economy, the Indian Competition Commission (which has received more than 5 notifications per month).

In short, the view persists among global competition counsel that parties can, in commercial practice, simply dispense with a CCC filing that would otherwise be technically required.  Weighing the risk of non-notification (“Is the CCC willing to bring an enforcement action for failure to notify?” – “Does it have adequate resources to sue?”) against the costs, burden and unpredictability of doing so has, in practice, often resulted in a decision not to notify.

This attitude, in turn, revives the dilemma of the “missing policeman”: even if he is physically present, an enforcer who lacks authoritative presence will remain ineffectual – a danger that is only aggravated if the rules he is to apply are not clearly laid out.

The lackluster statistics also raise the further question whether COMESA simply “bit off too much” on the merger-control front, especially when one considers its zero-dollar thresholds, small staff, fragmented supra-national infrastructure, and other factors that call into question its viability (e.g., jurisdictional disputes with some of its member states).  In 2012, senior outside advisers had warned the CCC that – with a zero-dollar threshold and almost no nexus requirement – it was either going to be flooded with de minimis notifications or receive virtually none whatsoever, as parties would simply ignore the mandate.  Thus far, the latter has turned out to be the case.

COM$0, No Nexus, and a Hefty Price Tag – Recipe for Disaster?

The zero-threshold dilemma ranks perhaps as the most significant among the criticisms leveled at the CCC.  Yet, it does not stand alone in the confusing arsenal of statutory language that routinely perplexes counsel advising merging parties with commercial activities in the region.

Lack of Clear Jurisdictional Nexus

At present, a merger transaction[10] is technically notifiable where only one of the parties operates within more than one member state of the common market.  This sets the stage for perverse possibilities: a transaction with a target jurisdiction that, to this day, does not have a domestic antitrust law will nonetheless require a CCC notification with its attendant colossal filing fee.  Worse, the same goes for the acquisition of a target that has no operations whatsoever within COMESA, but where the acquirer alone operates in two member states.

A prime real-life example is the recent COMESA approval of Total’s acquisition of Shell’s Egyptian gas operations.[11]  Pursuant to the terms of the published decision – which is marred by the omission of crucial terms, thereby rendering a meaningful interpretation difficult – the CCC determined “that the transaction has a regional dimension in that both [sic!] the acquiring firm operate [sic!] in more than one COMESA Member State.”[12]  Is it both or just one?  The decision proceeds to identify only the states in which the acquirer is active and does not mention those in which the target has any cognizable operations.  In yet another notified transaction, only the acquiring party had operations in three member states, whereas the target was admittedly “only active in Nigeria, and has no operations in any of the COMESA Member States.”[13]

In essence, under the present regime, even transactions with a de minimis nexus to the region are subject to notification – a rather blatant jurisdictional overreach when compared to international best practices, as enunciated for instance by the ICN in its Recommended Practices for Merger Notification Procedures or in the OECD’s counterpart guidance.  These provide for the generally accepted principle that the parties’ commercial activities on the relevant market must have a material nexus to the reviewing jurisdiction, i.e., the merger must be likely to cause an appreciable competitive effect within the territory of the reviewing jurisdiction, such that notifications are only required for “those mergers that have an appropriate nexus with their jurisdiction.”[14]

In its present form, the net cast by the COMESA merger regulations is woven far too finely, as it catches transactions in which only the acquirer operates in the Common Market.  Should the status quo persist through the next iteration of the merger rules’ amendments, the CCC will entrench itself as being out of sync with accepted best practices and will have cemented an inopportune example of extraterritorial overextension in global merger enforcement.

A (Pricey) Tollbooth on the African Merger Interstate

Other areas of criticism may sting even more, however.  A two-fold key problem of the young merger regime has been (1) its confusingly worded filing-fee provision and (2) the perceived exploitation thereof by the CCC.  Tackling these briefly in turn, it is almost an understatement to call the fee provision[15] ambiguous or unclear – its indiscriminate use of “higher of” vs. “lower of,” with no transparent identification of the relevant reference points, is a prime example of avoidably poor legislative drafting.

The publication of a barrage of (incorrect, as it turns out) news flashes and client alerts by law firms prompted the CCC, to its credit, to issue corrective guidance shortly after its inception: on February 26, 2013, it clarified that the half-million-dollar figure was in fact the maximum filing fee.[16]  In the words of the CCC: “When a merger is received, the [CCC] will first calculate 0.5% of the combined turnover of the merging parties.  [It] will then calculate 0.5% of the combined value of assets of the merging parties. [It] will then compare results in 1 and 2 above and get the higher value.  [It] will then compare this higher value to the COM$500,000.”[17]

As a practitioner’s rule of thumb, if the combined annual revenues or asset values of the notifying parties are (U.S.) $100 million or more, the administrative fee will be the maximum $500,000.

The agency’s clarification notwithstanding, it goes without saying that the resulting fees (including miscellany)[18] will nonetheless be exorbitant.  The filing fee alone is vastly disproportionate to the deal values of all but the largest transactions.  Indeed, it constitutes by far the highest merger notification fee in the world (keeping in mind that the global filing-fee scale ranges from the EU’s €0 fee to the United States’ $280,000 maximum).

According to a March 2013 CCC letter, the agency undertook a “preliminary assessment” of expected notification fees, concluding that the cost of a (presumably one-stop-shop) COMESA filing would be “much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.”[19]  It admits, however, that this early estimate was just that – a guess, as it had “not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons.”[20]

Since then, the CCC has nonetheless taken full advantage of its “tollbooth” role.  For instance, as reported in various business journals,[21] it billed the parties to the pharmaceutical Cipla transaction at the maximum level possible, cashing in half a million U.S. dollars in the process.  It is difficult to recreate the CCC’s unstated methodology of its “preliminary assessment,” but under no hypothesis would the Cipla parties’ national filing fees have matched, much less exceeded, the COMESA fee.

Recalling that one of the stated goals of COMESA is to create a “more competitive market,” one may ask whether the organization has lost its way?  Is it spitefully naïve or rather sadly perceptive to view the creation of the CCC as a short-sighted attempt by a developing region to extract a de facto tax on local businesses and foreign corporations interested in acquiring them – in effect thereby stifling regional growth and outside investment?

Sources who were present during preparatory meetings between CCC staff and international advisors from other enforcement agencies and academia confirm that, even prior to its becoming operational, the CCC affirmatively counted on taking full advantage of the high fees, perceiving them to be a source of funding elementary to the agency’s existence.  This anticipated revenue stream was viewed as so significant that members of the Kenyan Competition Authority (“CAK”) and the CCC engaged in an open quarrel over the ultimate recipient thereof and whether there would be any fee split among NCAs and the CCC.  This type of internal common-market discord eventually led to a “revenue-sharing agreement” of sorts.[22]  Yet, Kenya and COMESA have subsequently continued to disagree on whether COMESA has jurisdiction over certain notifiable transactions – leading to further ambiguity over whether COMESA will be a true “one-stop-shop”.  It stands to reason that the agencies’ prior fee dispute is but one reason for the CAK’s formal request for a “cooperation framework” between the authorities, in order to “operationalize” the two agencies’ joint mandate and to “actualize the interface.”[23]

Going Forward – Mixed Signs of Hope, But the Window is Closing

The silver lining amid clouds of confusion and disagreement surrounding COMESA’s merger-control provisions consists of universal anticipation of revamped legislation and guidance papers.  Since it is the most obvious shortcoming, the glaring zero-threshold provision will likely take center stage at the upcoming annual meeting of the COMESA Council, slated for December, which unites cabinet-level emissaries from all 19 member states.  The Council alone can amend the rules and regulations governing the CCC.  The agency, however, is presumptively in sole charge of its interpretive guidance relating to the legislation.  To date, the agency has not published a final version of its Guidelines.  It is therefore too early to conclude whether the submission of comments on the drafts by experienced practitioners and other experts has borne fruit.

In addition, while the public consultation procedure on the Regulations is well-intentioned in principle, its delayed start and lengthy duration indicate a protracted period of uncertainty and, thus, the continuing validity of inadequate legislation, i.e., the status quo.  The consultation’s implementation, effectiveness, and quality of outside advisers also remain to be determined.

In sum, COMESA’s competition enforcement has left many questions unanswered.  The low number of actual merger notifications is a direct reflection of parties’ and practitioners’ unease at dealing with the CCC.  Crucial elements of the agency’s ultimate success will almost certainly include the clarification of its existing rules as well as the adaptation of its merger legislation to real-life exigencies, such as fundamentally inverting the current ratio of high filing fees and low thresholds.


[1] Andreas Stargard is a partner in the Brussels office of Paul Hastings.

[2]Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa,” of whose 19 members only a minority of jurisdictions currently have domestic antitrust laws (Egypt, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe).  Notably, COMESA excludes South Africa, by far the largest economy in the region, which has its own merger control regime.

[3] The COMESA Regulations do not clearly provide for a prohibition on closing prior to clearance, although the formal Notification Form (No. 12) contains language indicating suspensory effect.  CCC’s staff has made informal comments at various conferences stating that the regime was not suspensory.  However, the last legislative word has not been spoken on the issue, or if it has, it remains ambiguous.

[4] This article focuses on the merger-control aspect not only because it is the Threshold’s topical focus.  COMESA’s broader antitrust rules (on abuse of dominance or cartel prohibition) are not yet fit subjects for comment, as they have simply not seen any application in practice as of this writing.

[5] See, e.g., COMESA Treaty Art. 55 (establishing a regional competition law framework and foreshadowing implementing Regulations); Art. 52 (prohibiting certain types of state aid, “which distorts or threatens to distort competition by favouring certain undertakings or the production of certain goods”); Art. 54 (anti-dumping); see also Arts. 76, 85, 86, 99, 106.

[7] SeeCrossing the Competition Rubicon: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA,” Concurrences Law Journal, Vol. 3-2013, co-authored with John Oxenham.

[8] A so-called “COMESA dollar” is a monetary accounting unit pegged (since May 1997) to the U.S. dollar at a fixed 1-to-1 exchange rate.

[9] Draft Merger Assessment Guideline, §1.3.

[10] That is, the “direct or indirect acquisition or establishment of a controlling interest by one or more persons in the whole or part of the business of a competitor, supplier, customer or other person.”  Art. 23 COMESA Competition Regulations

[11] CCC Decision, Total Outre Mer S.A / Shell Marketing Egypt and Shell Compressed Natural Gas Egypt Company, October 18, 2013 (public version), available online at http://www.comesacompetition.org/images/Documents/MergerCases/order%20no.%203%20total%20shell.pdf

[12] Id.

[13] CCC Merger Inquiry Notice No. 7 of 2013, Notice of Inquiry into the Transaction involving the Acquisition of Provident Life Assurance Company Limited by Old Mutual (Africa) Holdings Proprietary Limited, available online at http://www.comesacompetition.org/images/Documents/MergerCases/omah%20and%20provident%20statement%20of%20merger.pdf

[14] OECD Recommendation of the Council on Merger Review I.A.1.2.i.

[15] Rule 55(4) of the amended COMESA Competition Rules reads as follows: “Notification of a notifiable merger shall be accompanied by a fee calculated at 0.5% or COM$500000, or whichever is lower of the combined annual turnover or combined value of assets in the Common Market, whichever is higher.”

[16] The “greater of” calculus in the provision instead refers to the half-percent of “assets” versus “revenues,” according to the CCC.

[17] “Interpretive Meaning Of The Notification Fee Pursuant To Rule 55(4) Of The Amended COMESA Competition Rules,” available online at: http://www.comesacompetition.org/documents/english/29-notification-fee-pursuant-to-rule-55-amended-comesa-competition-rules

[18] Fees for notifications are not the only party-sponsored revenue source, as the November 2012 amendments to the Competition Rules also prescribe a $10,000 fee each for applications for authorization and for exemption orders.  See Amended Rules 63(1) and 77(4).

[19] Letter from CCC, dated 22 March 2013, at §17, available online at https://africanantitrust.com/2013/05/14

[20] Id. at 16

[21] See, e.g., “Regional competition body for COMESA under fire for inflated merger filing fees,” Business Day (8/20/2013), available online at: http://www.bdlive.co.za/africa/africanbusiness/2013/08/20/news-analysis-regional-competition-body-for-comesa-under-fire-for-inflated-merger-filing-fees

[23] February 14, 2013 letter from CAK Director-General Kariuki to the CCC’s Mr. Lipimile.  The Kenyan Attorney General subsequently issued a ruling against COMESA jurisdiction over certain Kenyan transactions in March 2013.  See https://africanantitrust.com/2013/03/15/

“Crossing the Competition Rubicon”: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA

John Oxenham & Andreas Stargard

(PDF of article as published in Concurrences)

Crossing the Competition Rubicon: Internationalising African Antitrust through COMESA

As published in HORIZONS / Concurrences Law Journal (vol. 03-2013) Institute of Competition Law, re-published under licence.

English Abstract: Antitrust publications were abuzz with “COMESA” in recent months. Yet, neither the decades-old pan-African organisation nor its Competition Regulations are novel. What’s new is that COMESA’s Competition Commission has finally — and suddenly — opened its doors and begun operations, already having reviewed two merger filings. This paper examines the economic advantages of COMESA for the region, analyses its role as a multi-national enforcement body, and identifies the pitfalls the agency will face in its inaugural year.
French Abstract: Les publications en droit de la concurrence étaient en effervescence avec « COMESA » ces derniers mois. Pourtant ni l’organisation pan-africaine, ni ses règlements concurrence ne sont nouveaux. Ce qu’il y a de nouveau, c’est que la Commission de la Concurrence du COMESA a finalement — et tout à coup — ouvert ses portes et a commencé ses opérations, ayant déjà examiné deux dossiers de fusion. Cet article examine les avantages économiques qu’offre COMESA pour la région, il analyse son rôle en tant qu’organe d’exécution multinational, et il identifie les pièges dont devra faire face la CCC durant sa première année.

Introduction

1. The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa has recently grabbed international legal headlines. Its acronymic title, COMESA, now firmly features in the awareness of most competition lawyers. The organisation is not new, however, nor are its Competition Rules and Regulations. The multi-national body itself dates back at least twenty years, and the Regulations were finalised and (technically) entered into force in 2004.

2. Why all the ruckus in 2013 then ? The reason is straight-forward : Antitrust law does not self-execute. It needs an enforcer, public or private. That enforcement agency now exists.

I. Alea iacta est: A new supranational competition authority is born

3. For the past decade of the Competition Regulations’ theoretical existence, they dwelled in the nether region of unenforced laws – their Article 18 prohibition on abuse of dominance effectively had equal legal footing as the rule against a pedestrian jaywalking at a red stoplight : with no policeman in sight, either goes unpunished.

4. COMESA crossed the “missing policeman” rubicon on 14 January 2013, when the Competition Commission (“CCC”) saw the light of day. With the advent of its operation – as well as that of the supervisory body, its Board of Commissioners – also comes the enforcement of the full spectrum of competition legislation embodied in the Regulations (merger control, unilateral conduct, cartels, and so on). Its impact will be felt by economic actors across an area spanning 19 member states, 12 million km2 and a population of over 389 million [1].

5. The basics of the COMESA Regulations and the CCC’s powers are already well-documented elsewhere and do not merit repetition here. Instead, this paper is focussed on two broader policy points : (1) the law’s potential beneficial impact on the region as a whole ; and (2) the pitfalls and prospects of successful execution by the CCC. As the CCC has seemingly (and with good reason) done, we emphasise first and foremost the new merger-control regime, rather than other vertical and horizontal restrictive practices that are also, in principle, within the agency’s enforcement powers but remain entirely untested for now.

6. The new competition regime has not emerged without escaping criticism in the press and in law firms’ client alerts. Certain aspects of the feedback are particularly noteworthy, as they may have a fatal impact on the merger-control regime and indeed could render it unworkable in practice. The two key reproaches levied are (1) the “zero threshold” for mergers to be notified, and (2) that a two-party transaction must be notified even though one of the firms has no nexus to the COMESA market at all. In effect, were the COMESA merger provisions taken literally, “all” transactions falling within the ambit of a notifiable merger, regardless of how small or how removed from the common market area, would be notifiable under penalty of 10% of the merging parties’ turnover in the Common Market [2].

7. The CCC has already indicated, however, that it will address these issues in its final Guidelines and, potentially, in revisions to the Regulations themselves. Its willingness to adapt – hopefully swiftly – is commendable. It must change its initial broad-brush notification approach to accommodate the reality that the purchase of a competing road-side lemonade stand by another juice vendor in Nairobi is simply not a competitive concern justifying the legal mandate for formal notification with a multi-national antitrust authority. Compliance with ICN Recommended Practices I.A and I.B is fundamental for a pragmatic solution and, not least, to forestall the facile spread of misconceptions about the CCC’s perceived mission as well as, frankly, the danger of international ridicule [3].

8. In addition to the criticism levelled against it by third-party observers, the CCC has also sustained an early blow from within, as there has been a jurisdictional tug-of-war between the CCC and Kenya (notably a COMESA member state). The fairly little-noticed matter involves the control of acquisition of shares, interest or assets among local firms in Kenya. Uncertainty as to who the responsible regulatory authority was for such intra-country dealmakers has resulted in the Kenyan Attorney General issuing an opinion giving the Competition Authority of Kenya (CAK) authority to act as the sole agency with the mandate to clear “local” mergers and acquisitions. It shields local firms from the COMESA regime as far as purely domestic transactions are concerned. The CCC’s formal letter response to a contemporaneous blog posting by the authors on the dispute highlights the risk posed by vaguely worded filing requirements as far as “local” mergers are concerned : “[I]t is our considered view that CAK has failed to comprehend the advice by the Attorney-General which … specifically states that CAK shall continue to exercise its jurisdiction on local mergers and acquisitions. It is our understanding (…) [he] has not referred to merger transactions with regional dimension. This is the correct position” [4].

9. Regardless of the outside criticism and internal jurisdictional skirmish, at least two mergers have already been notified to the CCC as of the writing of this article, and others are underway. By comparison to another “newborn” merger authority’s performance – the Indian CCI, which was created in June 2011 – these numbers are arguably on the low end. The CCI saw a total of 51 and 62 merger filings in each of its first two years, respectively. At the CCC’s current pace, it will likely not surpass a dozen notifications in its inaugural year, although we view the first four months since its inception as non-indicative of future filings and anticipate that the rate will increase significantly.

II. Measuring COMESA’s success

10. To create a functioning, universally respected, supra-national competition authority ex nihilo is neither easy nor enviable, and to measure its success at only the half-year mark of its existence would be premature. Therefore, a perhaps more meaningful analysis of the short history of the CCC’s performance should focus on other benchmarks than the insufficient merger statistics that are available as of now. We identify some cognisable waypoints below, which may guide future evaluation of the CCC’s performance.

1. Best practices

11. The CCC’s release of formal Guidelines – dealing with, inter alia, such expected topics as merger control and market definition, as well as uniquely region-focussed topics such as the public interest criterion of the COMESA Regulations – has provided welcome and early guidance to businesses and competition practitioners alike. What’s more, the Guidelines’ pre-release in draft form, and the CCC’s concomitant request for public comment, conforms to international best practices for competition agencies and has allowed international commentators and global bodies (such as the American Bar Association) to provide valuable insight ex ante, before it is “too late” and enforcement blunders occur. It is too early to determine the extent to which the public comments will be taken into account and the Guidelines tweaked, however.

12. In addition, while simple in principle, it is hard to overstate the value inherent in clear, English-language agency documentation, made available on a professional, functioning, and well-designed web interface. The CCC offers all of the above, and fares well when compared to several of the more established competition agencies’ public profiles (including the clarity, updated nature, and accessibility of their documentation), in contrast to MOFCOM or other more senior agencies elsewhere.

13. In sum, the CCC’s pursuit of best practices from the get-go emphasises the overarching goal of “fairness” embedded in its basic charter, as well as its “ongoing efforts to clarify and publish guidance about its enforcement policies and practices” [5].

2. Organisational health

14. An enforcement agency is only as good as its enforcers, just as a law firm’s real capital is human in nature, consisting of its attorneys. That said, there does exist a benefit of having an enforcement body with a significant history and consistency of practice, regardless of present leadership, which is : institutional memory and resulting predictability for the outside practitioner of the agency’s enforcement actions and decisions. Here, this positive externality of having a long-lived authority with established practice is lacking.

15. The CCC is based in the administrative capital of Malawi, Lilongwe, and currently only fields eight staff members, which may be an issue if and when merger notifications increase. On the plus side, COMESA’s anticipated multi-national staffing portends longevity, institutional memory, and the potential for a – conceivably constructive and beneficial – “revolving door” staffing policy between NCAs and the CCC. Yet, with only two mergers notified to date and in light of its infancy, we view these criticisms as less relevant.

3. Regional enforcement and cohesion

16. One of the professed goals of COMESA’s CCC is to “achieve uniformity of interpretation and application of competition law and policy,” not only as part of its own enforcement within the CCC’s proper jurisdiction, but moreover “within the common market” as a whole [6]. In a region that has often lacked these features, such an approach is doubtless welcome. Based on the CCC’s pronouncements [7], the agency supports increased uniformity among member states’ domestic competition enforcement, in addition to its own exclusive enforcement over matters with a COMESA dimension per Article 3 of the Regulations.

17. One of the historical motivations for a pan-African competition enforcer was the realisation of member states that “with globalization, markets continued to extend beyond national boundaries and the national laws, and their enforcement institutions were no longer sufficient to deal with the new market problems of the region. To address these problems of enforcing multi-jurisdictional competition cases, a regional approach to the competition cases with regional coverage was found to be the solution.” [8]

18. Having a strong infrastructure in place has the potential to prevent pure competition policy and its application from descending into nationally politicised issues, as exemplified by anticompetitive government aid measures designed to prop up inefficient para-statal “domestic champion” enterprises.

4. Cost and time savings

19. The one-stop-shop concept which underlies the CCC’s raison d’être brings with it potential efficiencies of scope and scale, and is, in principle, a sound one. Its prime exponent is arguably one of the most successful multi-national competition enforcers, namely the EU Commission. Its current competition commissioner called it one “of the EU’s success stories making sure that consumers benefit from products and services to choose from at competitive prices whilst allowing companies to get their mergers reviewed swiftly.” [9] Today, over 70% of pre-notification referrals seek one-stop-shop review by the EU Commission in lieu of individual national filings.

20. As for the CCC, its merger mandate is similar, i.e., to enhance the efficiency of notification (one in lieu of potentially eight) and the consistency of review (obtaining one single outcome rather than potentially divergent results in different member countries). Moreover, its promise is to lower parties’ transaction costs : according to its own statement, the agency has already undertaken a “preliminary assessment” of the anticipated notification fees, concluding with the prediction that the cost of a COMESA filing will be “much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.” [10]

21. Taking this initial assessment at face value would be premature, however. The CCC admits that it “has not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons yet.” [11] Moreover, it is unclear from the CCC’s quoted statement whether the entire cost of notifying (including counsel fees, avoidance of duplication before multiple NCAs, and other opportunity-cost savings) is being reduced or merely the filing fees.

22. One potential procedural avenue to ensure lower average fees would be to introduce the equivalent of “short-form” notifications for transactions with little to no competitive concerns or nexi to any COMESA member state. Assuming the truth of the CCC’s assertion, however, it will be difficult for parties to squabble with expected cost savings that will slash their pre-merger legal expenditures by almost half.

23. Whether the CCC will have sufficient regulatory “bite” remains to be seen, as neither approval nor divestiture or prohibition decisions have been taken yet. It is noteworthy that the first parties to notify transactions to the CCC, however, have been highly reputable global electronics and pharmaceutical firms, respectively, represented by experienced competition counsel. Their decision to notify with the young and – at that moment still entirely untested – competition authority is, in our view, a vital sign of success for the CCC. Some observers at the EU in Brussels and at the OECD in Paris have called the high level of the pioneering notification a “stroke of luck” for the CCC, as the quality of the Philips/Funai deal will give pause to other foreign firms that may have otherwise chosen to ignore the COMESA regime. “Transaction No. 1” thus has the potential to provide the necessary initial bite to the virgin CCC’s regulatory jaw.

5. Other externalities benefitting the common market and its participants

24. A functioning antitrust regime is beneficial to economic actors at all levels, from producers and importers down to the end user [12]. With COMESA’s joinder of competition-law jurisdictions, that benefit accrues to the entire region, especially as only a minority of member states have an antitrust law at present, with varying levels of enforcement [13].

25. When considering investments in Sub-Saharan Africa, one thinks of a single jurisdiction (for example, South Africa or Botswana). A functioning CCC will result in international investors considering COMESA instead of individual member states, promoting cross-border investments and thus enhancing COMESA’s attractiveness and competitiveness within the region as a destination for foreign direct investment.

26. In this respect, the most important advantage realised by COMESA is, in principle, the elimination of multiple merger filings in various African jurisdictions in respect of a single transaction which results in a cross-border merger transaction. Accordingly, the COMESA one-stop-shop structure saves significant amounts of time and money, obviating the parties’ need to examine and comply with each individual member jurisdiction’s merger guidelines and regulations, not to speak of multiple filing fees for a single cross-border transaction.

27. The establishment of COMESA as a competition watchdog is largely welcomed in the region and appears to be on a promising international path, as well. Teething problems like thresholds, timing and jurisdictional reach are hopefully close to finalisation, which will provide greater clarity to merging parties. If the CCC and the Board manage the process of “righting the ship” well and in a timely fashion, we envisage that the COMESA competition regime will actually “enhance” the region’s economic attractiveness for both foreign and local investors, and will promote rather than stifle cross-border transactions.

III. Righting the ship : Finishing the river crossing

28. Balancing its economic and legal benefits with the CCC regime’s present shortcomings prompts the inevitable question what the implications are for future cross-border merger notifications. To realise its full potential of fostering regional growth, it is vital that the COMESA ship is righted urgently.

– Merger thresholds need to be revised, if not outright introduced, as it is plainly non-sensical to have a zero-turnover threshold. The CCC itself appears to recognize this crucial deficiency, as it claims that : “Small companies that fall below a given threshold will not need to undergo the authorisation process.” [14] Properly-scaled thresholds, i.e., thresholds that are appropriate for the region’s economy, will also permit the CCC to ensure an efficient allocation of enforcement resources, avoiding the risk of being flooded by de minimis merger-control filings that would otherwise require review.

– Article 23(3) of the Regulations implies that transactions would be notifiable to the Commission even if only one of the merging parties operates in two COMESA Member States and the other merging party does not operate in “any” COMESA Member State. This is also emphasized in the Guidelines on Merger Assessment, which suggest that a merger is notifiable even if only one of the merging parties has activities in at least two COMESA Member States and the other party has none. This would mean that a merger must be notified, or is otherwise subject to COMESA scrutiny, even if there is no nexus between one of the merging firms and the Common Market. If this interpretation is indeed maintained, we believe that it will place an undue burden on potential merger parties and undermine one of the crucial objectives of any merger regime : to gain international acceptance.

29. Absent swift rectification, these concerns may render the COMESA Competition regime unworkable. At best, they will merely deter parties from making a notification (hoping for lack of enforcement). Worse, these regulatory uncertainties may cause undertakings to abandon potential transactions entirely.

30. Addressing the issues identified above is imperative to ensuring the CCC’s viability as a recognised international competition authority. In addition, we believe that the agency faces other – perhaps less serious, yet nonetheless important – obstacles on the final leg of its proverbial river crossing :

– COMESA’s express inclusion of so-called “para-statals” (i.e., fully or partial government-owned enterprises) within the penumbra of its jurisdiction under Article 3 is commendable and indeed important, given the comparative prevalence of such enterprises in the region and the risk of abuse inherent in their transformation into privatised businesses. The CCC must be careful, however, not to be side-lined by the member states’ governments, as the Regulations’ prior-exemption exception of Article 3(2) presents a potentially appetising jurisdictional loophole for dominant para-statals being shielded from review by the CCC.

– The Guidelines’ indirect reference to EU rules poses a threat of commingling divergent standards and interpretive assessments thereof, e.g., applying guidance on the SIEC standard to an SLC regime.

– The trigger date for notification is also not clear. Article 24(1) requires notification within 30 days of a “decision to merge.” The Guidelines indicate that a decision to merge is “construed when there is established a concurrence of wills between the merging parties in the pursuit of a merger objective.” Neither the commercial nor the legal meaning of this phrase is entirely clear and will make it difficult for companies to determine when to notify a transaction, resulting in the risk of facing penalties for late filing. Clarification of all relevant “notification triggers” is therefore highly desirable from the perspective of affected undertakings.

– While the CCC’s previously identified “preliminary assessment” of the anticipated fees appears to claim otherwise, we are of the (likewise preliminary) view that COMESA’s merger filing-fee is not in accordance with other jurisdictions. These fees constitute a danger that may help to undermine COMESA’s international and legal acceptance. Especially when compared to established global regimes – such as the EU’s DG COMP or the German Bundeskartellamt (with no and relatively low filing fees, respectively) – the potential fees COMESA may charge notifying parties under its Rules pose a serious threat to the regime’s legitimacy.

– On a positive note in this regard, the CCC has taken notice of – and acted swiftly in response to – critics’ public comments relating to the initially vague arithmetic determination of the CCC’s filing fees. The alternative two-part provision contained a connecting “higher of” reference, which caused unintended confusion among competition practitioners [15]. Many a law firm’s initial assessment and subsequent public client alert therefore referred to COMESA fees being the “greater of” the two computational bases. The CCC stepped in within merely weeks and issued clarifying guidance. While it did not correct the ambiguous language in the Rule itself, it issued a public notice of Interpretive Meaning of the Notification Fee Pursuant to Rule 55(4) of the Amended COMESA Competition Rules on 26 February 2013, thereby putting an end to speculation that filing fees would indeed be calculated on the higher-of basis.

– The need for original copies to be filed with the notification goes against the global trend of leading enforcement agencies, such as the FTC or DG COMP, increasingly allowing filings to be made electronically. It hinders efficiency and increases administrative and timing burdens on the parties, which is inconsistent with the CCC’s stated objectives and, indeed, contrarian to the developments of the 21st century.

31. Several international networks and associations comprising members from various antitrust jurisdictions worldwide have provided significant contributions to the CCC, working closely with the agency to propose practical and workable solutions to the identified hurdles. Organisations that have provided input include the International Competition Network (ICN) (which currently includes 128 agency members from 111 jurisdictions and is the most extensive network of competition authorities worldwide) and the American Bar Association’s two sections of Antitrust Law and of International Law. They have offered the CCC assistance, particularly in the provision of commentary and proposed amendments to the merger assessment guidelines, suggesting workable (and tested) solutions in relation to the various teething problems it faces [16]. We note that there is a fine line between receiving offers of support and the affirmative seeking of advice – we would encourage the CCC to undertake the latter at all stages of its developmental process, as its legitimacy in the eyes of the global competition community will only be enhanced, not reduced, by its efforts to integrate itself into the global network of enforcers. As has been the mantra of many an NCA official’s speeches over the past decade, convergence of international antitrust regimes is crucial to effective enforcement on the one hand and rational decision-making by businesses on the other. For COMESA to fall in line with the global trend of convergence, the CCC must not shy away from seeking the input of other, more advanced sister agencies and organisations such as the ICN, which – in our experience – are always glad to provide their support.

32. Finally, one key inquiry faced by any nascent international legal regime is whether the unified, single decisions made under a harmonised legal system are likely to be superior to the alternative, i.e., the sum of those applying diverse national laws [17]. Even if uncoordinated domestic regimes are deemed inefficient, it does not automatically follow that a single multi-national regime will yield more pareto-optimal outcomes [18]. Historically, there have been three main criticisms levied against international antitrust regimes. They include higher monitoring costs, higher enforcement costs, and the loss of innovation [19]. Considering each of them in detail would breach the bounds of the present article. Suffice it to note that some scholarship suggests agency costs to be higher at an international level, with the concomitant effect that bureaucrats will have more ability to fashion rules in their own interest [20]. A parallel risk is that the multi-national process may appear more opaque than the more established and well-known domestic procedures, resulting inter alia in greater difficulty of monitoring those responsible for carrying out enforcement policy, as well as less innovative (because less diverse and more static) approaches to enforcement or resolution of conflicts [21]. An international regulator outside the direct control of government may pursue interests distinct from its members, which may not mirror the interests of the citizens living in the member states. Taken together, these risks may cause a global regime to appear less in the public interest than maintaining the sovereignty of individual domestic rules [22].

33. While these critiques may have valid application in developed countries with mature competition authorities where a global harmonised regime is being considered, they appear somewhat neutralised in the case of COMESA. For one, a majority of the Member States did not have pre-existing competition-law regimes, and the remainder of the NCAs were arguably inexperienced and not developed. We submit that having at least a functioning and well-funded competition enforcement regime — centralised or decentralised — is more beneficial that having none at all.

IV. Conclusion

34. As with every rubicon worthy of its proverbial name, COMESA’s crossing of the antitrust divide has advanced beyond the point of no return. And rightly so : the efficiency gains, consumer benefits, and appeal to investors derived from a stable, transparent and predictable competition-law enforcement that transcends national borders all promise a net positive return. We see this prospect holding true despite early teething problems, as the CCC appears to be in the process of rectifying most, if not all, of them in due course.

35. The CCC’s future enforcement performance being in line with international best practices will be the ultimate litmus test for increased investment in the region and COMESA’s economic growth. One gladly wishes to take the CCC by its word in describing the impetus behind the unified antitrust regime : “cooperation and transparency in procedures [are] essential for business as they would not be subjected to excessive costs arising from multiple, parallel and poorly coordinated investigations.” [23] Businesses probably could not agree more – but a mere mission statement is a far cry from actual, competent enforcement. For the time being, the CCC’s ship hasn’t made it to the other river bank and is still traversing unpredictable rapids.

36. The near future will doubtless reveal several important benchmarking metrics of the CCC’s merger review performance, for instance : how many transactions are notified ? How quickly can the authority render decisions on most routine notices ? How robust is its underlying economic and legal reasoning ? It may take additional time before a complex merger demanding in-depth analysis will challenge the CCC to show its true analytical prowess and administrative ability to deal with difficult cases.

37. The CCC has the features and multi-national support that allow it, in principle, to become a robust regional competition authority. That said, its success is not a foregone conclusion, and the agency must ensure that it has the sanctioning not only of COMESA’s regional member states and domestic NCAs, but also of the broader international antitrust community.

Footnotes:

[1] Even when compared to the worldwide GDP leader and key historical role model of multi-national competition-law jurisdictions – the European Union – these figures are impressive for a comparatively young African agglomeration of economies. (By comparison, the EU has 27 member states, a population of 501 million, and a GDP of $16 trillion.)

[2] Article 24 of COMESA Competition Regulations 2004.

[3] The “missing-nexus” and “zero-dollar” threshold problems have caused several antitrust experts – including private practitioners, EU Commission officials and US enforcement agency representatives – to scoff at even a passing mention of COMESA as a relevant jurisdiction to take into account when counselling clients on worldwide merger-notification obligations. The CCC must act with speed and determination to rectify these problems to maintain its bona fides vis-à-vis both its international sister agencies as well as private parties appearing before it.

[4] Letter from COMESA Competition Commission, dated 22 March 2013 (“CCC March letter”), at § 14, available online at https://africanantitrust.com/2013/05/14.

[5] CCC news release, COMESA Competition Commission Seeks Public Comments on its Draft Guidelines, available at : http://www.comesacompetition.org/latest.

[6] Art. 1 of COMESA Competition Regulations, December 2004, available at http://www.comesacompetition.org/im….

[7] For instance, Art. 5 of the Regulations, and the CCC’s mandate that national competition laws in the region “should increasingly come into alignment.”

[8] CCC March letter, at § 5.

[9] J. Almunia, Commission Vice President and Competition Commissioner, Mergers : competition authorities agree best practices to handle cross-border mergers that do not benefit from EU one-stop shop review, 9 November 2011. See also J.J. Parisi, A Simple Guide to the EC Merger Regulation, January 2010 (“The EC Merger Regulation (ECMR) was intended to provide a ‘level playing field’ in a ‘one-stop shop’ for the review of mergers with significant cross border effects.”).

[10] CCC March letter, at § 17.

[11] Ibid. at § 16.

[12] The European Commission’s 2012 report on competition policy showed that without an effective European competition policy, the internal market cannot deliver its full economic potential. The COMESA Regulations’ Preamble notably posits the tripartite goals of “economic growth, trade liberalisation and economic efficiency” as drivers for the regional antitrust regime.

[13] Egypt, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

[14] COMESA CCC Frequently Asked Questions.

[15] Rule 55(4) of the amended COMESA Competition Rules reads as follows : “Notification of a notifiable merger shall be accompanied by a fee calculated at 0.5% or COM$ 500 000, or whichever is lower of the combined annual turnover or combined value of assets in the Common Market, whichever is higher”.

[16] Ibid.

[17] JO McGinnis, The Political Economy of International Antitrust Harmonization, 45 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 549 (2003), p. 555.

[18] Ibid, p. 555.

[19] Ibid, p. 560.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Ibid, at p. 560, 565.

[22] Ibid, p. 561

[23] CCC March letter, at § 5.

COMESA Commission responds to our article on Kenya’s competition authority taking jurisdiction away from CCC

     kenya

AfricanAntitrust.com‘s prior reporting here (and also here, as well as the corresponding Nortons brief) on the jurisdictional dispute between the Competition Authority of Kenya (“CAK”) and COMESA has garnered the attention of the multi-national organisation’s Competition Commission (“CCC”).

After reporting on Kenyan Attorney General Githu Muigai’s actions, seemingly wresting jurisdictional power over the review of certain transactions that clearly affect the Kenyan geographic market, we reported briefly and neutrally on this interesting development, concluding as follows:

This power purports to shield, at least temporarily, local firms from the COMESA competition laws. Under the multi-state competition regime, firms engaging in certain mergers and acquisitions with an effect in two or more member states are required to seek clearance from COMESA’s Competition Commission, a process that comes with significant costs and time delays not expected to the same extent with the CAK procedure.

The CCC asked, in its letter, to set the record straight and “to put the situation in its right context.”  We are happy to oblige and publish below COMESA’s official position on the jurisdictional dispute with Kenya.

As to the cost point, the CCC had this to say in its letter (full reprint below):

Consequently you may also need to know that from our preliminary assessment the Commission’s fees are much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.

This is an interesting “preliminary assessment” and must be based on theoretical calculations of notification fees, as there had not been any substantial number of notifications made as of 22 March.  The first publicly known notification was that of Philips/Funai, made around the same time in March.  Indeed, the CCC itself writes in its letter to us that the Commission has not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons yet.”  Fair point.

All of this begs the quite pragmatic question, of course, which is: how are merging/acquiring parties dealing with the existence of the COMESA notification regime?

In our “Is COMESA being ignored” post, we postulated the hypothetical question whether publicly known deals that clearly meet the COMESA thresholds but are not apparently notified should be taken as an indication of the CCC being turned a cold shoulder by certain sophisticated parties.

Why would they?  Perhaps the filing fees are, after all, not that insignificant or even lower than filing domestically with African NCAs?  Or the uncertainty of a rather untested, as of yet, CCC staff team has the parties worried about (1) the length/duration, or (2) outcome of the CCC procedure?  We don’t know, but we look forward to further analysis, insight, and news in coming months.

Here is the original language of the letter (signed “COMESA Competition Commission”), dated 22. March 2013:

The COMESA Competition Commission (the Commission) wishes to respond to the above article as follows:

1.         The above article raises serious concerns especially coming from a Member State of the COMESA Treaty whose competition authority was one of the architects of the COMESA Competition Regulations (the Regulations).  The article and its undertones challenges the very existence of the Regulations and the institution mandated with their enforcement.

2.        With the adoption of the COMESA Competition Regulations and Rules, there are now two separate legal regimes which govern the enforcement of competition law and policy in the COMESA Member States, namely;

a)      The National Competition laws: these are the national legal orders comprising the respective bodies of legal rules within each of the COMESA Member States.

b)      The Regional Legal Framework: these comprise the body of legal rules created at COMESA level such as the COMESA Competition Regulations and Rules.

3.         Given the two legal orders, the national order shall apply to the enforcement of anti-competitive practices emanating at national level hence, enforced by the national competition authorities in the respective Member States. Whereas the regional framework shall be invoked generally where there is a cross border impact.

4.         In the first place, as far as we are concerned, there has never been a jurisdictional battle between the COMESA Competition Commission (the Commission) and any national competition authority on the control of mergers at national level.  The scope of application of the Regulations as provided for under Article 3 and more specifically on mergers under Article 23(3) is very clear that its limited to transactions with a regional dimension and not local transactions as stated in the Article.  The relevant Articles are quoted below for clarity:

“Article 3

Scope of Application

“These Regulations apply to all economic activities whether conducted by private or public persons within, or having an effect within, the Common Market, except for those activities as set forth under Article 4. These Regulations apply to conduct covered by Parts 3, 4 and 5 which have an appreciable effect on trade between Member States and which restrict competition in the Common Market.””[emphasis added]

Article 23

Merger Control

…………………………………………………

3.  This Article shall apply where:

a) both the acquiring firm and target firm or either the acquiring firm or target firm operate in two or more Member States; and

b) the threshold of combined annual turnover or assets provided for in paragraph 3 is exceeded”.

5.         It is important to note that the Regulations were initiated by the COMESA Member States who had competition authorities in the 1980s and 1990s namely Kenya, Zambia and Zimbabwe, when they realized that with globalization, markets continued to extend beyond national boundaries and the national laws and their enforcement institutions were no longer sufficient to deal with the new market problems of the region.  To address these problems of enforcing multi-jurisdictional competition cases, a regional approach to the competition cases with regional coverage was found to be the solution.  They were also of the view that cooperation and transparency in procedures was essential for business as they would not be subjected to excessive costs arising from multiple, parallel and poorly coordinated investigations.  In fact Mr Justus Kijirah the then Commissioner for the then Monopolies and Pricing Commission of Kenya (the predecessor of the Competition Authority of Kenya) was part of the team of Consultants who were involved in the formulation and drafting of the Regulations and the Rules in April 2002.

6.         The draft Regulations and Rules prepared by the consultants went through a rigorous legislative review which included their discussion by the Trade and Legal Experts from COMESA Member States in October 2002 in Mangochi (Malawi), and by the COMESA Trade and Customs Committee in October 2002 and February 2003 in Lusaka (Zambia).  The COMESA Legal Committee also discussed the draft texts in February 2003, again in Lusaka (Zambia), and the COMESA Ministers of Justice and Attorneys-General approved the drafts during the same month.  The COMESA Competition Regulations were adopted by the COMESA Council of Ministers in December 2004 and they became effective upon their publication in the COMESA Official Gazette Vol. 9 No.2 as Decision No. 43 in Notice No 2 of 2004.

7.         Please note that of importance is Article 10(2) of the Treaty which categorically states that: “A regulation shall be binding on all the Member States in its entirety.”  This means that Kenya as a COMESA Member State is bound by the Regulations and is obliged by Article 5(2)(b) “…..take steps to secure the enactment of and the continuation of such legislation to give effect to this Treaty and in particular to confer upon the Regulations of the Council the force of law and the necessary legal effect within its territory”.

8.         We appreciate that under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969, the consent of a state to be bound by a treaty and therefore for the treaty to apply to the state at an international plane may be expressed by way of signature, exchange of instruments constituting a treaty, ratification, acceptance, approval or accession.  The Convention does not address the question of how States may then bring about the domestic implementation of the treaties which they have made applicable to them internationally.  The Convention leaves this question to be settled by each State, in accordance with its legal system.  Thus, “domestication” of treaties is a matter of national law and is not governed by international law.  A different process altogether is necessary in order for a treaty to be applicable at a domestic level.  Unless a treaty accepted by any Member State is incorporated into the domestic laws of that state, the rights and obligations contained in such a treaty are inapplicable and unenforceable domestically in the state concerned.  Most Member States constitution are the ones that state the position of the relationship between the treaty law and domestic law in the state’s legal system.

9.         Two major approaches, and some variations of them, may be identified with respect to the question of the status of treaties in domestic legal systems.  Some States follow the dualist approach to this question, while others follow the monist approach.

10.       Under the dualist approach, treaties are part of a separate legal system from that of the domestic law: They do not form part of domestic law directly. Thus, under this approach, a treaty to which a State has expressed its consent to be bound does not become automatically applicable within that State until an appropriate national legislation has been enacted to give the treaty the force of law domestically.  This is the so-called “act of transformation”, which has several ways for bringing about.  One of them is the direct incorporation of the treaty rules through a drafting technique which gives the force of law to specified provisions of the treaty or indeed the whole treaty, usually scheduled to the transforming act itself.  This is the approach which was inherited by Kenya and other commonwealth countries from the British practice, as the prime example.[1]

11.       Under the monist approach, traditionally a legal system of a State is considered to include treaties to which that State has given its consent to be bound. Thus, certain treaties may become directly applicable in that State domestically (self executing) and do not rely on subsequent national legislation to give them the force of law once they have been ratified by the State. “Where a treaty is thus considered to be “directly applicable”, under this approach, it means that the domestic courts as well as other governmental bodies would look to the treaty language itself as a source of law.”[2]

12.       Kenya now has a new constitution that was promulgated on 27 August 2010 replacing the 1969 Constitution.  The 2010 revised Constitution of Kenya introduced a monist approach with respect to the question of the status of treaties in domestic legal system.  Section 2 of the Constitution which deals with the issue of supremacy of the Constitution provides that:

Supremacy of this Constitution

(1) This Constitution is the supreme law of the Republic and binds all persons and all State organs at both levels of government.

(2) No person may claim or exercise State authority except as authorised under this Constitution.

(3) The validity or legality of this Constitution is not subject to challenge by or before any court or other State organ.

(4) Any law, including customary law, that is inconsistent with this Constitution is void to the extent of the inconsistency, and any act or omission in contravention of this Constitution is invalid.

(5) The general rules of international law shall form part of the law of Kenya.

(6) Any treaty or convention ratified by Kenya shall form part of the law of Kenya under this Constitution.

13.       In essence, section 2(6) of the Constitution of Kenya means that the COMESA Treaty and the Regulations made under it form part of the law of Kenya and are directly applicable domestically.  Since the Regulations form part of the laws of Kenya which the Competition Authority of Kenya should uphold there is therefore no basis for any jurisdictional battle.  In fact, the Competition Authority of Kenya has all along been acting in compliance with the Regulations when it accepted the appointment of its then Acting and now Director General Mr Wang’ombe Kariuki as a Board Member for the COMESA Competition Commission established under the Regulations.  Mr Kariuki took part in the setting up of the COMESA Competition Commission Secretariat.  He also participated in the drafting and recommending for approval to the COMESA Council of Ministers, which met in Kampala, Uganda in November 2012, the COMESA Rules on Merger Notification Thresholds and on Revenue Sharing of Merger Filing Fees whose underpinnings was the transfer of jurisdiction of mergers with a regional dimension from the national competition authorities to the COMESA Competition Commission.  For him to now make the Competition Authority of Kenya wrestle the COMESA Competition Commission for the right to control mergers and acquisitions within the COMESA region boggles the mind to say the least.

14.       As far as the statement to the effect that “Kenyan Attorney-General Githu Muigai has given the CAK the authority to act as the sole agency with the mandate to administer and clear local mergers and acquisitions” is concerned, it is our considered view that CAK has failed to comprehend the advice by the Attorney-General which according to the article above specifically states that CAK shall continue to exercise its jurisdiction on local mergers and acquisitions.  It is our understanding from the above article that the Honourable Attorney-General has not referred to merger transactions with regional dimension.  This is the correct position.  It is also our view that the Attorney-General is not the right office to interpret the provisions of the Treaty but the COMESA Court of Justice.  We are however, always happy to be persuaded by such advice.

15.       It is in fact the COMESA Court of Justice, regardless of whether a Member State has ratified the Treaty or not, that has the mandate to ensure the adherence to law in the interpretation and application of the Treaty (Article 19(1)) and by inference the Regulations made under the Treaty.  If Kenya as a COMESA Member State has issues pertaining to the application of the Regulations on its nationals which implies a challenge to the legality of the Regulations, we recommend that the best course of action would be for Kenya to refer the matter for determination by the COMESA Court of Justice in terms of Article 24(2) of the COMESA Treaty.

16.       It is also premature to conclude that the Regulations’ requirement for firms engaging in certain mergers and acquisitions with an effect in two or more member states should seek clearance from Commission came with significant costs and time delays not expected to the same extent with the Competition Authority of Kenya.  With all due respect, the Commission has not yet concluded any merger investigation for one to have a basis for any comparisons yet.  There is therefore no empirical evidence to support such a bold and far reaching statement.

17.       You may further wish to know that the current schedule of merger notification fees was debated on and approved for presentation to Council by the COMESA Competition Commission’s Board of Commissioners which comprise of heads of competition authorities in Member States.  Consequently you may also need to know that from our preliminary assessment the Commission’s fees are much lower than that of the national competition authorities and this has resulted in the cost of doing business (notifying using the COMESA route) being reduced by about 43.4%.

From the foregoing, we implore your good offices to put the situation in its right context.

COMESA Competition Commission

22/03/2013


[1] Dr.A.O.Adede,Chairman, Constitution of Kenya Review Commission, “Domestication Of International Obligations”, An Abstract, 15-09-2001.

[2] Ibid.

COMESA old flag color